George Rock
History of the American Field Service
1920-1955

CHAPTER IX

In late January 1944, four thrusts had been made against the Gustav Line: one directly into the Liri Valley; flanking moves through the mountains on either side; and the landing at Anzio, which was calculated to disrupt the enemy's lines of communication and to force his withdrawal. All the attacks were successful, except the entry into the Liri Valley, but all met fierce resistance. After the initial advances had been accomplished at Anzio, in the Aurunci Mountains, and in the eastern hills, all three attacks were contained by the enemy and Monte Cassino still blocked the entrance to the Liri Valley. The greatest progress had been made in the hills north and east of the town of Cassino, where the village of Cairo and several surrounding hills had been taken. In early February the Fifth Army concentrated its effort on Monte Cassino as the key to the advance to Rome.

Historically, the position had always been considered impregnable---200 feet higher than Gibraltar and just as strong, Monte Cassino rises steeply from the plain to a height of more than 1,700 feet. The Benedictine monastery stands on the extreme edge of the spur, then well fortified and occupied by the enemy. From it the Germans could watch the whole battle area and, on a clear day, the sea. To its north lies a deep chasm; northwest extends a mountain ridge leading to the snowcapped Monte Cairo; the steep eastern slopes were fortified. Below on the east is the promontory of Castle Hill. The town of Cassino spreads from its lowest slopes out along the valley floor. The River Gari flows through the town and the River Rapido protects its eastern edge, the two meeting just south of Cassino. Both were then swollen by the heavy winter rains.

The New Zealand Division was brought west and on 3 February with 4th Indian Division and additional artillery units formed the New Zealand Corps to support the American assault on Cassino and to exploit the expected break-through. On the 5th, B and C Platoons of 567 AFS ACC were sent over to join this Corps in a 3-day convoy from Casalbordino to Alife. The convoy made it more or less all right, under conditions unlike anything experienced before. The account written by G. B. Schley III shows the Company's growing sophistication in the ways of war:

"Here's the lowdown on a 250-mile trip in an AFS convoy in Italy. Four days before we left we had a grand meeting of the Platoon in Pollutri, where we were 'at rest.' Bigwigs from HQ were on the spot to break the news: we had a long trip ahead of us. It was secretive beyond measure. Cars had to be spruced up as never before to lend prestige to the triumphant march of the AFS---at least 70 cars. What awaited us at the end, only the generals as yet knew. We were to be ready to leave, in a couple of days' time, at an hour's notice . . . .

"We were all livid with rage. We were comfortable and . . . the season was in full swing. . . . Macaroni dinners and 'vino' debauches redoubled in intensity before the obvious horrors of 3 days in convoy. A couple of days after the eventful news, another meeting: departure at 6:30 the next morning. A farewell macaroni dinner and wine splurge and then to bed at a none too early hour. Then ghastly preparations the next morning in pitch darkness and drizzling rain after a breakfast of tea, uneatable porridge, and cold soy-link sausages.

"We led the sections, with Manning leading in his car. Ten miles to be covered in every hour, cars 50 feet apart. A few miles down the road we picked up an accompanying section of workshops, and still farther another platoon. On and on we crawled through the rain, while the Platoon Sergeant and another boy patrolled the convoy to see that everything was OK. By noon the sun came out and I got cramps in both legs. We stopped 15 minutes for a lunch of bully and a slice of cheese. I opened a tin of paté and ate some hard tack with it, the best and worst combined. . . .

"We kept going all the afternoon, stopping every hour and a half for a few minutes breathing spell, until finally at 4:30 we filed into a field by the side of the road [between S. Severo and Lucera] and leaguered for the night. One of my front tires was down, so I got out the old foot pump and pumped endlessly until near exhaustion set in. Supper was hideous, as the cooks hadn't time to prepare much.

"Next morning someone opened the door at 5 and shook me awake. Kirk Browning came in a few minutes later and started the engine and heater going, as it was just freezing cold. of course, I missed breakfast at 5:15, as did 99% of everybody else, and only just got dressed before we pushed off at 5:30. Was just miserable, as I hadn't washed or even half waked up. Pat Tanner and Bill Hooton, who are in the same car, hit upon the scheme of staying in bed while one of them drove and then changing over the next day. Pat stayed in bed that morning till 12 and trotted out all smiles at one of the stops. I could have killed him on the spot.

"We took the wrong road and wandered all over the place in a driving snow storm over tortuous mountain roads where everybody slipped and got stuck. Finally we emerged onto the main road and had to stop for an hour while the stragglers extricated themselves from the icy road and caught up. The poor fellows on the motor-bicycles almost froze to death and finally loaded their machines into ambulances and sought haven from the cold in the heated cars. We then proceeded to get stuck in the most awful traffic jam where everybody lost the car ahead of him and God knows why we didn't get lost completely. We lost a lot of time that day and finally parked by the roadside [above Avellino] at 8:30.

"Someone dragged out half a bottle of rum, with which we made daiquiris by adding lemon juice and water. I got out two cans of caviar, and someone else produced a couple of hunks of bread. It bucked us up no end, and we went to bed prepared for reveille at 4.

"At 4 some hardy soul woke me and I crawled out of bed reluctantly to start the car up and turn on the heater. The car wouldn't go, so I had to throw my trench coat on, put on my shoes, and try to fix it. Didn't have a flashlight , and no match would brave the glacial wind. It was pitch dark and I couldn't see a damn thing inside the motor, and I was damn near frozen to death . . . . At last , when everybody else had gone, workshops came along and . . . after a good hour got the car going. I heated the car up, got dressed, and then . . . tore madly after the convoy. I followed the directions implicitly as to how to get to our final resting place, but naturally took the wrong road and ended up God knows where. I finally arrived at 1:30, absolutely starved and furious at everything and everybody. Guess that's all there is to say about that."

However, the move was not finished. On the next day the platoons drove northwest from Alife to Presenzano, where they leaguered beside the 1st New Zealand CCS, to which C Platoon, except for one section sent ahead to 6 NZ ADS, was assigned on the 14th. The rain continued for several days after their arrival, turning the leaguer into the deepest mud yet seen.

The first attack at Cassino failed. After several weeks of strenuous and gallant fighting, the American attempt to subdue Cassino and to enter the Liri Valley was given up. The Americans were withdrawn, and the sector was taken over by the New Zealand Corps on 12 February. By that time the Allies had gained a few houses on the eastern edge of Cassino and had advanced down the mountains from the northwest to take part of Monte Castellone, approaching within 300 yards of the monastery. The Americans thought that fresh troops continuing their line of attack could take the position. The 4th Indian Division was assigned to continue the attack from the northwest while the New Zealand troops were to attack across the Rapido.

For this second attack, an historic decision had been made. Allied soldiers had been killed by fire directed from the ancient Abbey of Monte Cassino. Therefore the religious were warned by leaflets fired by the artillery that the Abbey was to be bombed and that they should flee, taking with them what they could of their treasures. On 15 February the monastery was heavily bombed, and for the next 3 days both Divisions were engaged in strenuous assault. On the 18th the Indians took Point 593 and New Zealand troops reached Cassino Station. However, supporting arms could not be got across the swollen river to the station, and later in the day a strong counterattack forced the New Zealanders to give up their gains. General Freyberg, Commander of the New Zealand Corps, decided to pause before renewing the offensive.

A new approach was devised for the second New Zealand assault, scheduled for 14 February. But the rains returned and the offensive was postponed---from day to day---as the rain continued. Sheets of water covered the plains, and muddy puddles accumulated in the countless shell and bomb craters. The men at the front lived in mud and slush, constantly under the eyes and guns of the enemy. No hour passed without exchange of gunfire. During this wait, the New Zealand official record stated "an average of 60 men a day died or were wounded or were sent back sick as a result of hardship."

The Field Service ambulances had a busy time of it. One section of C Platoon evacuated from the 6th New Zealand ADS back to their CCS at Presenzano, and the rest of the Platoon from the CCS to the 2nd General Hospital in Caserta. of this the Platoon record noted that "the run was fairly long, but other factors---road and traffic---excellent. The men were particularly happy to be working with the Kiwis again. . . . This was the first month [in Italy] in which lying cases exceeded sitting cases, indicating the seriousness of the casualties on the front."

The cars of B Platoon were with the 4th Indian Division. The first assignments, received on 9 February, were to the RAPs of 1, 11, and 31 Field Artillery regiments. At the 1st Field Regiment, about 7 miles south of Cassino, R. C. Waller was slightly wounded on 23 February. A shell fragment nicked his left ear while he was eating supper, but he was able to remain on duty.

"On about the 16th," Lt. Field reported, "10 cars were ordered at the last minute to go to the 17th Indian MDS near S. Pietro Infine. They went up late in the evening and moved up east of Cassino into a deep gorge [commonly referred to as "the wadi," just north of S. Michele] the next day. Here they evacuated over the worst tracks I've ever seen to Cervaro. Kirk Browning and Les White went to the 17th ADS in Cairo at the base of the mountains north of the Rapido River. Their evacuation route was over the most desolate area and worst shelled road I've seen in Italy. Two days later 10 more cars were ordered to the MDS. Things stayed like this until the end of the month. . . . Ed Driver was in charge of the cars at the MDS."

"The area presented exceptional difficulties for casualty evacuation," Major Snead wrote of the MDS. "The terrain is tortuous, the tracks largely ruts hacked through mud and rock. Most of the transport was by mule, and only 4-wheel-drive vehicles were allowed in the area. The major portion of the terrain, of course, was under the eyes of the enemy on Monte Cassino. Because of the constant change in evacuation routes in the effort to meet these conditions, there existed at the time of Driver's arrival little organization and great confusion in evacuations. Within 6 hours, schedules had been set up and were running smoothly through his efforts. By constantly covering the area on a motorcycle, Driver made available information of conditions on the various tracks and trails between the ADS, the MDS, and the Car Post at Cervaro from which patients were taken on to Route 6. These recce trips were made generally under shellfire. . . . Because of the very bad road conditions, ambulances broke down here and there; and Driver with the LAD repaired all of them, maintaining schedules."

At the same time, H. Amory, Jr., was commended for his "single minded intention that any wounded man must be got back to hospital in the shortest possible time." The Commanding officer of 11 Field Regiment, RA, wrote of Amory's work with them: "On 16 February at 1400 hrs a gunpit received a direct hit and Amory took 6 men to the MDS. At 2230 another gun was hit, and 3 badly wounded men were evacuated by Vol. Amory. On both these occasions the gun positions were subject to enemy harassing fire. At 1145 hrs on 20 Feb., an American 8" How., 300 yds from RHQ, was hit and charges set on fire. Two minutes later the shells in the gunpit exploded. By this time, when everyone else was in their slit trenches, Vol. Amory's ambulance was moving towards the gunpit. When he arrived, a second pit had charges burning in it. Amory realized that no one had been hit and drove past both guns onto the main road, which the enemy was shelling heavily. Here he found 2 New Zealanders who had been wounded, whom he took to the MDS."

The work at Cassino was hazardous, strenuous, and in most respects unpleasant. Still, there were many gripes when, at the end of the month, B and C Platoons of 567 Company were relieved of their posts with the New Zealand Corps by C Platoon of 485 Company. As they had come, the two platoons set out for the Adriatic in a torrential rainstorm. Lt. Bryan and his Platoon took over the forward Indian and New Zealand posts, as the Corps waited for a break in the weather to permit the launching of its second attack on Cassino. C Platoon HQ and 7 ambulances went to 4 NZ MDS at S. Pietro Infine, establishing themselves in a leaguer "up to here in mud," while 5 cars went to 6 NZ ADS in the Rapido valley at Portella, and 3 to artillery RAPs. The rest of the Platoon, under Sgt. E. R. Masback, Jr., were attached to the Indian Division, 3-6 cars at the MDS of 17 Field Ambulance and 2 at its ADS.

Their work with the Indians was no different than that 567 Company had experienced. They were memorable days, as is shown by the accounts later written by Divisional medical officers. Col. H. J. R. Thorne wrote of the general conditions:

"17 Indian Field Ambulance [of which he was Commanding officer] was forming the Divisional battle MDS, and for a period of about 6 weeks, from mid-February to the end of March 1944, the MDS experienced the busiest time in its history. The MDS was located in a 'nulla' [the wadi], and the main ADS was located across the Rapido River in the village of Cairo....

"The route of evacuation to the MDS---a distance of some 4 to 5 miles---lay across the Rapido (and swept around uncomfortably close to German-held Cassino). It was completely flat and exposed and, with the Germans sitting on Monte Cairo and in the famous Abbey of Monte Cassino, was completely under observation. The journey was uncanny---a sort of naked feeling--your progress along the whole route being watched by countless pairs of enemy eyes. And many of the AFS drivers will recall 'windy corner' on this route---a corner where you turned on to the bridge across the Rapido and which received a lot of unhealthy enemy attention. Many an officer hurrying around this corner in a jeep lost his cap in the wind---but unhesitatingly decided it was healthier to buy another cap than wait to retrieve the lost one. The journey at night, with the roads frequently packed with mules and other transport and being heavily and systematically shelled in the darkness by the Germans (who of course were aware of the movement going on under cover of night) was a veritable nightmare."

Major Minford wrote of the members of both Companies with him at the ADS---L. V. White and K. Browning and later R. H. McCulloch and C. W. Farnham, Jr.,---who "under the most shocking conditions set an example of cold-blooded courage that has seldom been equalled. Who can forget Les and his pal having their friendly quarrels as to who would next run the gauntlet over that cross-section of hell-the Rapido River; and who can forget Minny on his first run in a forward area?"

Of Farnham's activity on the morning of 2 March, Colonel Thorne wrote:

"When returning from MDS to ADS in Cairo village, Vol. Farnham's ambulance car ran off the road while under heavy shellfire. He made his way on foot back to the ADS and immediately, despite continuous shellfire, set out in a jeep to recover his ambulance car or, if that were impossible, to recover from it his blankets and medical equipment urgently needed at the ADS. He not only recovered his ambulance car but, on returning in it through Cairo village, when informed that there were 3 seriously wounded Indian soldiers lying under a bridge, he personally dressed 2 of the cases and evacuated all of them by ambulance car---all this during continuous shelling of the area by the enemy."

During the 3 months C Platoon was in the line at Cassino, it suffered a number of casualties. The first of these occurred on 2 March, when J. B. Helfrich, Jr., working for the New Zealanders, received a slight head wound. He was caught in a line of American trucks on a stretch of observed road near Cassino. An 88-mm. shell landed near the ambulance, killing the dental patient in the rear of the car and injuring Helfrich, who was hospitalized at the end of the run.

By the middle of March, the weather had begun to clear, and it was possible to send in the second New Zealand Corps attack. At 8:30 on the morning of the 15th, a more intensive bombing and shelling than that of the preceding month began. By noon, when it was stopped, the ancient Abbey had been shattered and the town reduced to rubble. The earlier assaults from west and east having failed, this attack was mounted from the north. The heaps of rubble were found a difficult obstacle to progress. On the night of 15/16 March it rained, filling the craters with water and turning the rubble to slimy mud. For 8 days the assault was pushed under the worst possible conditions. Fighting was fierce and some advance was made. A firm bridgehead over the Rapido was established, nine-tenths of the town of Cassino was taken, and by the taking of Castle Hill a foothold on Monastery Hill was obtained. But by the 23rd it was clear that a decisive break-through still could not be achieved and the attack was called off. To consolidate the Allied gains, troops isolated in advanced positions were withdrawn on the night of 24/25 March. An enemy counterattack on the last two days of March brought a flurry of activity but no change in essential positions.

During the bombardment of Cassino on the 15th, C Platoon suffered another casualty. On duty with the 74th Medium Regiment, N. Shethar received a bomb fragment in his left leg, which, while not serious, kept him hospitalized for some time. Lt. Bryan wrote that, like the incident at Venafro on the same day, "some of our bombing was a trifle inaccurate and fell a few miles behind our lines."

The Indian MDS was heavily shelled late on the next afternoon, 9 of the 10 AFS cars present receiving varying degrees of shrapnel scars. Major V. Parkash later wrote that "several lads narrowly escaped grievous injuries. There had been a lot of casualties among the French troops and the Field Ambulance personnel. But the moment the casualties were ready for evacuation, the AFS drivers were there on the spot for loading the casualties into whatever they still had left in working order. The lad in charge of these cars at the MDS had already finished his 12 months abroad and was due to go back home in a few days. I think he must remember that day very clearly." E. R. Masback, Jr., was succeeded as C Platoon Sergeant a few days later by W. B. Chamberlin III, who at Tahag some months earlier had been forced by illness to relinquish the sergeantcy of D Platoon.

During the struggle for Castle Hill, D. D. Adams distinguished himself with the 1st Artillery Regiment. He volunteered to go up with a party of stretcher-bearers to bring down the bodies of 4 officers of the Regiment who had been killed and left in the Castle. This was done under heavy shellfire, which caused half the party to run away.

The front was static during April, while preparations were being made for the fourth attack on Cassino. On 26 March the New Zealand Corps was disbanded and there followed a general reshuffle of the troops along the whole Allied front. The Poles moved up to take over positions in the mountains nearest Cassino, the New Zealand Division replacing them in the Apennines. Elements of 6th Armored and 78th Divisions, intended to exploit the break-through that had not occurred, took over sectors of the Cassino line as parts of 13 Corps. With the completion of the shift of American forces to the west coast, British troops by the middle of April were responsible for the line from the Liri River to the Adriatic---four-fifths of the entire front---with the greatest concentration of strength between the Liri and Isernia.

For the Field Service, April was a busy month, with much work and many reassignments in preparation for the next action. All but two of the platoons in Italy---C of 567 Company at Lanciano and D of 485 Company at Caserta and Anzio---had gradually moved into the central sector with units of 10, 13, and the Polish corps.

The 3 platoons of 567 Company were in the mountains with 10 Corps and the Poles. B Platoon had returned in mid-March to Presenzano to work for 4th British Division, moving over to Venafro in early April. Later in the month, when the Platoon was assigned to 10 Corps, it transferred its HQ closer to Isernia. Groups of cars were then sent to the New Zealand field ambulances, chiefly at S. Elia in the hills behind Cassino. In the middle of the month a few cars were sent to the Italian Motorized Brigade and others to artillery RAPS. Much of the Platoon sat idle at Platoon HQ in Stazione S. Agapito, allowing for a program of 3-day leaves.

Work with the Italians was something new. It was not particularly arduous and offered striking differences to anything before encountered. Evacuations were highly dramatic affairs, sometimes involving an entire family, all expressing the deepest emotion. Things shook down, of course. The early morning eye-opener in the shape of a glass of brandy was not repeated, and ways were discovered to deal with the language problem, even to using German in a pinch. As consolation for any and all inconveniences, the Italian cooks were said to perform miracles with the staid British rations.

S. Elia, into which one group moved while it was still under direct enemy observation, turned out to be quite a hot spot. In a shelling of the town on 22 April, E. E. Tanner III was wounded for the second time, receiving a deep gash on the left cheek, and F. B. Myer's car was demolished by a shell dropped 2 feet away. In a later shelling 5 cars were damaged and G. B. Schley's car was destroyed. This made heavy work for W. J. Brethauer, without whose "constant and unflagging" efforts as LAD the Platoon could not have continued to function. In one shelling of S. Elia, for example, he had to tow a knocked-out ambulance from the exposed town square to a side street before he could fix the tires so that it could be towed to workshops for repair.

Toward the end of March, A Platoon was split between Isernia and Campobasso, under the command of 86 Area (Campobasso) but working for the Poles. It continued this way until in the last week of April the whole Platoon moved to Venafro, still working for the Poles but evacuating 3 and 5 CCSs to Boiano instead of to Termoli. Life with the Poles was never humdrum. At Venafro a pet bear escaped its chain one morning and tumbled several volunteers from their tents into astonished wakefulness.

D Platoon, which had been working with the Poles since early February, was assigned to do forward work for the Polish Corps at the end of April. From Campobasso, where it had been established since October, the HQ moved up next to A Platoon at Venafro.

The 3 platoons of 485 Company gradually were assigned to one or another of the divisions in 13 Corps, then in position facing the Liri Valley and the town of Cassino. A Platoon remained for the most part unassigned during April, finally getting posts at the end of the month with 8th Indian and 4th British Divisions. Some of B Platoon worked with 6th Armored Division for a short time in mid-April, after which the whole Platoon was without assignment again. When the New Zealand Division was transferred to 10 Corps, C Platoon kept a few of its posts for a while, gradually increasing its assignments with 78th Division throughout the month.

The quality of April on the 13 Corps front is clear from the few days recorded by R. Mann at the end of the month, when a few cars from A Platoon took over some 4th Division posts from B Platoon. "off to the wars we went this terribly rainy day," he wrote on 26 April,

"sliding around through Presenzano and back to and out Route 6 to Cassino. The ADS is situated 6 miles from Cassino, 4 miles from the nearest Jerry position---a beautiful spot just back out of the forward area. We had lunch there, relieved the B Platoon boys, and sat around doing nothing. Noticed it's going to be sort of noisy, as a medium regiment moves in. Bulldog [Browning] and I drew the two high cards, which made us the ones to go up to the forward car post tonight. . . .

"This post is really a glorified RAP receiving from the different infantry outfits (the Black Watch mostly, now), and we evacuate at night to the ADS (the road to Cassino runs under the shadow of the monastery). We're three quarters of a mile from the Continental Hotel and a half mile from the nearest Jerry lines. Can't go out in the daylight for fear of being spotted from the monastery. We arrived at 8:10 P.M., relieved the B Platoon boy there, and settled down. . . . Shelling seems to be fairly consistent on our road, which is under close observation. A bridge up the road farther has machine guns trained on it. All night long Jerry gave it a burst every 20 minutes or so. You could hear it plainly from here. . . . The RAP is quite an impressive building-two storeys, solid, with large trees around it, especially along the roads. There are about 17 men here and an MO.

"Very quiet all day [on the 27th] except for the continued noise from harassing fire and the artillery duels. From the second floor of our building it's very easy to see all of Cassino---the monastery and the Route 6 bridge over the Rapido. You can see our shells landing in the monastery and along the slopes of Hangman's Hill, only three quarters of a mile away. . . . Mac Long is at Brigade HQ up the valley toward the ADS. Don Harty is taking his place at the ADS.

"As twilight fell [the next day], we walked up the road to a house several hundred yards back toward the ADS. Some Italians are still living there, and for a can of steak-and-kidney they'll do our laundry for us, and gave us a bottle of vino. Sort of strange they should choose to stay here in this hell hole, working their fields, with shells flying every which way. But there they are, every day, working away like there isn't a war at all."

With the two companies working in more or less the same area in the late spring, 485 Company held a competition for a design to be used as its insignia. QMS MacFarlane concocted one of the better designs. The prize, however, was given to Lt. Bryan for a symbolic beast-half British lion and half American eagle. This griffin was stencilled in white on a red cross on all the vehicles of the Company.

During the same period, some administrative changes occurred in 485 Company. In mid-April, Captain Nettleton reached Italy, after finishing his chores with the miscellaneous AFS vehicles left in the Middle East, and was appointed second in command to Major Edwards. This freed Captain Richmond to devote all his efforts to the Company's transport problems.

During April the whole front was quiet enough, and the personnel situation was sufficiently strong to allow a more generous leave program than had been considered for some time. The beauties of Naples, Sorrento, Amalfi, and Ravello were admired by many. Those who had already seen enough of these on duty were sometimes able to wangle their way onto Capri, then restricted to use by the U.S. Air Force. More likely, they went to Ischia, like W. D. Watson, who wrote:

"We had a 3-day honest-to-God leave, and it was really the nuts. We went to the island of Ischia, which is about an hour and a half boat ride from Naples, and stayed in the village of Lacco Ameno.

"There was a small hotel there run by a Swiss, accommodating about 18 people. It was the cleanest place I've been since leaving home. The rooms were absolutely spotless, and the food was served the way it should be. The beds were something I had forgotten about, being the first real bed I'd slept in since last September 5th. All the hotels operate the same way, as far as food goes: we draw our rations for as many days as we are going to be there and then turn them in to the hotel when we arrive. Then they supplement them with whatever they can get. They must have had an unusually good chef, because he made even British rations taste good. We paid $2.50 per day including meals, and the only extras were drinks and if you wanted eggs for breakfast which cost .50 per egg. We drank mostly a white wine which was really delicious and gave you a perfect glow without getting plastered.

"One of the things you must do is have a mud bath, so we all went for one, and they certainly give you the full treatment. First they pack you from your chin down in hot mud and wrap you up in sheets and let you sweat for about half an hour. Then the guy comes back and starts taking the mud off and gives you a massage at the same time. Then you go under a hot mineral-water shower and then soak in a tub of hot water for about 15 minutes. Then he drags you out, gives you a good rub-down, wraps you up in a Turkish-towel robe, sits you in a steamer chair, and brings you a large drink of excellent Vermouth and a cigarette. I've never been so relaxed in my life. All of this costs one dollar. The baths where you get all this are built like the old Roman ones and are quite similar to the real ancient ones at Pompeii. It sounds as if I'd raved a lot about the whole thing, but I haven't been so clean in about 6 months and never realized what wonderful items are things like clean sheets and good beds and room service, etc."

In April 1944, Mr. Galatti made a tour of inspection at the invitation of the War office. It had been suggested that the appropriate rank was that of Brigadier, but for this long hoped-for and several times planned visit, the Director General elected to appear as a full Colonel. He arrived in London on Friday, 7 April, and during the following week he had conferences on the use of AFS units, publicity, and the receipt of honors and awards with the Adjutant General of the British Armies, General Sir Ronald Adam, the head of Medical Services, General Sir Alexander Hood, and the Military Secretary, General Wemyss. In addition, he attended the daily press talk at the Ministry of Information on the 13th and was allowed to speak to the press for almost half the total time. "Good newspaper reports next day."

The groundwork for these meetings, which in turn set the stage for later conferences in Algiers, Italy, and Burma, had been arranged in the preceding months by Major King and Colonel Rex Benson. Major King, then AFS representative in London, had since his arrival in December 1943 succeeded in bringing several of the more complicated AFS problems to the attention of those in high places---even starting the necessary motions to get the Service included in the coming campaign in northwestern Europe. Colonel Benson, who as British Military Attaché in Washington had been inestimably helpful in the early days of AFS service to the British, "has of course proved invaluable," Mr. Galatti wrote. "His friendships have made everything possible. His untiring devotion to the AFS should never be forgotten by any of us."

Through their efforts, the AFS at the end of March had been authorized to receive the Africa Star on the same basis as British personnel. In London, the Director General discussed the method of its distribution and was assured that its issuance would be seen as precedent for further campaign ribbons. On hearing of this decision, General Leese wrote to Colonel Richmond: "I am delighted. . . . The work done by your units since May '47 . . . has been of the utmost value. I hope that you will continue with us until we reach Berlin."

On 17 April, the Director General flew to Algiers, accompanied by Major King. He had brief talks with Medical and Supply & Transport officials there, and then they flew on to reach Naples on the 20th. From the 22nd to the 30th they visited the two companies in the field with Colonel Richmond and Major Hoeing---22-25 April with 485 Company and 25-30 April with 567 Company. Mr. Galatti's daily letters to the New York office tell of his experiences. They emphasize the need for books and radios in the field and contain many messages about the health of individual volunteers to be relayed to their families. He visited all those in hospitals and gave R. G. Frazer his Purple Heart. He sent back descriptions of the graves of all those killed in action in Italy. He visited each platoon and most of their posts, reporting, for example, on the 23rd that "Bernie Desloge doesn't think that he's getting enough excitement."

On 24 April he wrote:

"Spent yesterday with Bryan's platoon---it has at the moment the most forward positions, and I was able to visit everyone or catch everyone somewhere along the line. Their posts are something, and these boys don't need to take their hats off to anyone. One of them has been up to a spot where no other ambulance has ever been before. Bryan looks to be a swell leader, knows his stuff, quick and decisive, attractive. . . . Chamberlin is just as good, and they make a great team. . . .

"Tell Bill it is the same thing here as it was with us---same kind of work, same conditions, same AFS, same talk, same things concern everybody, same knocked-down villages, same billets, same everything. Except more day work at very exposed posts due to this being definitely safer than night work, because ambulances are not shot at when recognized."

On these visits, the Director General answered all the questions of the ingenious and far-looking volunteers---even, Lt. Cole reported, to the possibility of going to China through Russia upon the cessation of hostilities in Europe. In the event that anyone had forgot to ask personally about some of the most important points, current or postwar, 485 Company distributed a list of answers to the most frequent questions of a nonpersonal nature: the draft and deferment, two-year and sick leaves, AFS at war's end and in other theatres after victory in Europe, a new French unit, war compensation and insurance, postwar AFS scholarships, U.S. Army hospitalization, voting, and jeeps for their platoon officers.

At Lanciano, the members of C Platoon, 567 Company, had an unusual question. "They had been anxiously awaiting my arrival for two weeks," the Director General wrote, "as a group of 30 Italian students attending the local university wanted to join the AFS. I was really sorry not to be able to accept them, they were so eager to get into the fight."

At 567 Company, the Director General came face to face with the problem of ambulances. Since early in the year, the need for new cars for the Company had been growing daily more urgent. Most of them had had a year and a half of hard wear and they had almost reached the end of their usefulness. Only constant hard work by Captain Webb and the workshops kept them on the road at all. Company had been dunning Naples HQ, which in turn had been writing to New York, but the necessary priorities had so far proved impossible to arrange. Just getting rid of the last of A Platoon's borrowed Humbers ("I don't mind the work," P. B. Warren wrote, "but why can't the car do its part?"), 567 Company was threatened with a complete issue of British ambulances as the only available replacement for its exhausted Dodges. The Director General went into the situation locally and found, as the Company and HQ had already learned, that nothing could be done on that level.

Planning while there to "get Dodges," on 2 May Colonel Galatti flew to Algiers, en route to India. The situation was not so easily to be solved. General Hartgill, DMS AFHQ, was "very upset" about the situation, but he said that nothing could be done by the Medical branch. The Director General was told that he would have to work on the problem from New York and Washington. This forced the cancellation of his trip to the India-Burma theatre, and Major King went on alone. During Colonel Galatti's stay in Algiers, however, he was able to finish arrangements for the new unit to serve the 1st French Army and for U.S. Army hospitalization of AFS members when necessary or convenient. On his return to New York, the French Unit was well under way and the ambulances for 567 Company were miraculously obtained and shipped. Half of 567 Company had to use Ford ambulances for several months, but by December the whole Company had a full issue of new Dodges.

The Headquarters that the Director General found in Naples was much what it had been in Cairo at the end of the previous summer. Though its necessary work was not congenial, to the majority of AFS members, those who were able to put up with it, while maligned by the field as parasites and worse, had a tendency to stay on and on. They listened to tales of luxury and debauch in the field with all the eagerness of field men hearing of HQ, and often with as much envy and the same disregard of probability.

There had been no change in the basic departmental set-up. In Personnel Lt. Ritter had succeeded T. E. Munce. Lt. R. W. Humphrey, who had helped Captain Collins establish the Naples Liaison office, had taken charge of Personnel Movements, a much more complicated matter now that it had to go through the vast offices of AFHQ. Captain Boit, who had gone from the disbanded French Unit into the Personnel Department, had transferred to Finance. This was still run by Captain Bridger, with the assistance of Lts. Barker and Goff and, as Field Cashiers, Lts. R. E. Paddock, N. Pierce, and J. W. Warrington. Lt. H. E. Waldner, Jr., had succeeded W. A. Kraft as Supply and Transport officer, assisted by R. W. Frazier as the always important baggage master. Lt. W. J. Atkins still handled mail, with PX supplies as a major sideline. Lt. C. H. Adam, who for a year and a half had worked most industriously on the AFS Bulletin and Public Relations, went to 485 Company as an ambulance driver and Company PR representative. He was succeeded briefly by Lt. T. D. Durrance, who was followed on 10 July by Lt. R. W. Beek.

Looking toward the future, Colonel Galatti at this time appointed W. W. Phillips to be AFS Historian. Phillips had already compiled an elaborate report on the relations between AFS and the, British Ninth Army, based on personal interviews with some 600 officers, NCOs, and other ranks in Syria. In his new capacity, he was to work with the British war historians, collecting and collating all available information on AFS activities from both AFS and Army sources. It was soon clear to him that the discovery of AFS records for some periods would be a major accomplishment, and therefore his earliest act was to issue directions for the keeping of current records. Phillips established himself with the British War History Branch, from which he was sent off to the Middle East to gather what he could from the files of GHQ MEF. On his return he made many trips through the field, taking down accounts of personal memories to fill in the gaps in the written record. Not all the recipients complied with his requests, but without Phillips' large and intelligent efforts the AFS would have a scant record of its activities.

The first objective of the spring offensive was Rome. The Gustav Line had already been turned at both ends and flanked at Anzio, but still it held. At the end of April, most of the Allied forces in Italy were preparing for the fourth attempt to cross the Rapido, to get past Cassino, and to enter the Liri Valley---the road to Rome. The disposition of the troops was much what it had been in mid-April. The Adriatic and Apennine sectors were lightly held by 5 Corps (4th and 10th Indian Divisions) and 10 Corps (the New Zealand Division with a brigade of 6th South African Division) respectively. On the mountainous approaches to Cassino was 2 Polish Corps (3rd Carpathian and 5th Kresowa Divisions). Along a front of 7 miles facing the town of Cassino and the Liri Valley was 13 Corps (4th and 78th British Infantry, 6th Armored, and 8th Indian Divisions with additional artillery). While south of the Liri River, the Fifth Army had U.S. 2 Corps and the French Expeditionary Force in the Aurunci Mountains. The attack was scheduled for 11 May.

The final battle at Cassino can be divided into two stages---first the formation of the 13 Corps bridgehead across the Rapido by 8th Indian and 4th Divisions, which was accomplished by the 14th; and, second, the exploitation of this bridgehead into a proper break-through, climaxed on the 18th by the taking of Cassino and the Abbey by 13 Corps and the Poles respectively. This advance was made against furious enemy opposition and was hindered by minefields and various fortifications.

At the last, the German defenses crumbled quickly because of the success of the French troops in the Aurunci Mountains. The military never spoke of "sending in" the Goums---the fierce Arab troops who carried long knives and wore costumes that looked like nightshirts---but rather spoke of "turning them loose." Turned loose, they flanked Cassino and drove into the Liri Valley from the west with such speed that they soon passed the edge of their maps and had to stop for lack of knowing where they were ("Goumed right off the map," as the later phrase for any spectacular advance put it). When the Poles made their last attack on the Abbey on the night of 17/18 May, the Germans had already gone.

The enemy retreated to the Hitler Line, which had been fortified in February. This was a parallel construction running southwest across the Liri Valley from Atina to Pontecorvo. The Germans realized it could not be expected to hold for long and in the spring took to calling it the Dora Line. This was smashed in a single day by the Canadians on the 23rd. Aquino fell on the 25th, and the Poles entered Piedimonte on the same day. The collapse of the Hitler Line led to a general retreat. Atina was taken on the 27th, and by the 31st Frosinone had fallen to 13 Corps. As the Germans raced back to the next defensible position, the Allied troops began another pursuit.

At the start of the big battle, the AFS had ambulances with most of the divisions in the line. All but two platoons were involved in the assault on Cassino---D Platoon of 485 Company, still split between Anzio and the installations around Caserta and Naples, and C Platoon of 567 Company, working out of Lanciano with 5 Corps. Headquarters of 485 and 567 Companies were under tents at Vairano and Isernia respectively. The three platoons of 485 Company were attached to 13 Corps, facing the Liri Valley: A Platoon with 8th Indian and 4th British Divisions, B resting near Company HQ while waiting to be called up by 6th Armored Division, and C with 78th Division. The three platoons of 567 Company were in the mountains: A and D Platoons with the Poles, D doing forward work and A the rear evacuations to Boiano, while B was with 10 Corps farthest east. During the first stage of the attack, 10 Corps made only diversionary movements. For the rest, the battle was a time of tremendous amounts of work and such a number of extraordinary deeds as brought the highest praise from many directions.

"Every day we saw masses of equipment going toward the front, but no one knew when this push was going to be," wrote one member of 485 Company. "No doubt Jerry knew something was coming somewhere, but didn't know when or where. The front was very quiet and casualties were few. . . . While more and more equipment went up toward the front, a few of our ambulances were posted. I went to an ADS off the railroad (called the Speedway) and stayed for about 5 days. A more peaceful spot I have never seen. We went up on a small hill and could look across to Jerry front lines and forward areas. We could see a small town and in it not one thing stirred. Mostly, however, our side would put up a tremendous smoke screen that would cover the Jerry mountains and observation posts. Then our equipment could be moved forward without being spotted. In the valley around the ADS there were hundreds of big guns which hadn't even been fired but were waiting for the push---which was to come 'in a few days.'

"Then I left this Indian ADS and went to an ADS on Route 6. Here it was the same story exactly. . . . Finally I was called on to relieve in a section which was going way back to join an ADS which was resting. This ADS was to move up that night. . . . We were called together, and the Major in charge of the ADS gave us the griff. Just about the biggest barrage in history was to start at 11 in the evening and last until 11:45. At .11:59 the infantry was to cross the river, put up bridges, and work around in back of Cassino. A 36-hour creeping barrage was to be sent into Jerry lines until the infantry moved up. Then he read a letter from General Alexander and one from another Brigadier, telling everyone to 'go forth with the light of battle in your eyes' and 'bring the world the news it is waiting for.'"

For the members of 485 Company already at the front, the work was exciting enough before the start of battle. Half of C Platoon was at artillery RAPs opposite Cassino, and A Platoon faced the Rapido with the infantry divisions that were to force the crossing. Most of the A Platoon cars that had been earlier scattered among RAPs and CCPs, by the 11th had been brought together to form a pool of 10 ambulances for 10 Field Ambulance and one of 13 for 29 Indian Field Ambulance to serve the Divisions' forward medical units.

In order to make the movement of casualties possible in the small and crowded area south of the Rapido, the car pools sent replacements forward only as the ambulances started their runs back to the MDSs. Most of the roads were no more than narrow dirt tracks, so that traffic was usually routed in only one direction along them. The drive at night from behind the shelter of Monte Trocchio onto the observed level valley floor in search of casualties was always hazardous and frequently unpleasant.

To celebrate the start of battle, on 11 May one of the fanciest of all AFS administrative switches was performed. Captain Thomsen returned to the United States and was succeeded in the Algiers Liaison office by Captain A. T. Jeffress, who was succeeded in the Bari office by Lt. S. E. Cole, who was in turn succeeded as Adjutant of 485 Company by Lt. R. M. Mitchell.

Lt. Mitchell's first entry in the Company diary reads: "The barrage to start the big attack rolling began about 2300 hours with a rumble and the fluttering brilliance of an arc-light street-lamp starting up around the corner of the next block. It continued to roar and shake the ground mightily until midnight, when it subsided temporarily. Throughout the night gunfire continued, rising in volume at times to a steady pounding. All night tanks trundled by, muzzle to tail port."

The first few days of battle allowed no one much rest. The group at the 10 FA pool had the dirtiest work---C. S. Satterthwait with B. F. and J. J. Desloge, R. B. Kohnstamm, R. Mann, H. L. Moeller, J. Pickelsimer, F. T. Sanderson, S. L. Seward, and D. M. Smith. B Platoon sent a large section under E. Baylies to help out A Platoon with the heavy load of work at the car pool of the 29 Indian FA. At RAPs served by 12 FA, W. Bradley and W. H. Browning II distinguished themselves by their hard work as well as by going long periods without rest in order to give others a chance for some sleep. On the night of 11 / 12 May, during the German answering barrage, W. H. Cope and G. W. Walker went from the small 185 FA car pool to scour the river bank for patients. Going without sleep during the first 48 hours of the battle, Kohnstamm evacuated to 10 FA near Monte Trocchio approximately 125 wounded from the river area. Having noticed men entering the shelled-out farm buildings, he made trip after trip to pick up the wounded who had staggered or been carried back across the Rapido to shelter.

At Cassino AFS gave a tremendous performance, and there was more to come in the later phases of the battle. So keyed up for action and eager to be of service was the whole Company that when an ammunition dump near B Platoon HQ was hit, all the cars then in the leaguer rushed to the spot. They were ready to run before the MP jeep came down the road broadcasting an appeal for aid, and within minutes they were lined up in orderly fashion on a track near the flaming explosives. In thanking all units for their response and co-operation in this emergency, the Commanding General specially mentioned "the good show by the AFS---even though there were only 3 casualties and over a score of ambulances to care for them."

All along the short 13 Corps front, conditions were much the same. What it was like south of the Rapido in the first days is well told by W. P. Meleney, who had the distinction of being one of the few to report being strafed during the attack:

"On 11 May I was stationed at an ADS Car Post serving two ADSs---when an ambulance came through with casualties from either of the ADSs the driver would stop and dispatch another car up in his place, it's called the touch-off system. . . . Both [were] about 2 miles from Cassino, ADS A on the main road due south of the town, and B [12 Infantry Brigade HQ] off on a track about a mile to the left (west) of the main road. The barrage opened at approximately 23:50 hours and was sustained by over 2,000 guns for 40 minutes and with easily 900 guns for the next 36 hours. The initial blast left me dazed. I felt as though a huge fist had been punched suddenly into my stomach, held a second, and as suddenly withdrawn. Pandemonium reigned for the next half hour, but after watching the unbelievable display and taking a few pictures (which came out very well) I decided to lie down and get some rest.

"Strangely enough, I slept until about 0330 hours, when I was wakened and sent to ADS B. By 1000 hours I had made two trips to and from B and was sent to A. . . . That night things quieted down a bit and I got a full night's sleep. The next day, 13 May, I made one evacuation from B in the morning and returning there was told there were casualties to be picked up at the river. It took an unbelievable time for the MO of the unit (infantry) to get his jeep and his medical orderly together and under way. We went down a narrow track which was lined with unburied dead, both German and British, and I stopped at a wide spot just out of sight of the river to wait for the jeep to bring the casualties. Everything proceeded according to plan, and I returned to ADS B without mishap.

"About two hours later a sergeant on a motorbike came and asked for an ambulance to go to the RAP of another infantry battalion. He led me along a fairly good road running parallel to the river from a place about 3 miles downstream from the place I'd been previously. We went about a mile and a half along that road and came to one of our ambulances (Bob Kohnstamm) and two small British cars. I remember thinking as we went along how much dust I was raising, and then deciding that it wouldn't be more than twice as much as the motorbike was stirring up. I wished I'd gotten a bigger red cross flag and one that wasn't falling to pieces. I'd made mine from some red print cotton with small white polka dots on it. I could hear an occasional burst of machine-gun fire and its answer in the burp of the German Spandau. There was almost continuous mortar and shell fire landing in the vicinity, and rifle shots could be heard from across the river at the left.

"I stopped in front of Bob's ambulance and the Transport officer of B told me to cover my windshield with a blanket, wire it on, and raise the windshield so that I could see. When I had done so (I had to stand on top of the hood to do it, and I couldn't help wondering if Jerry could see me), I sat in the ditch with the TO while he told me what to do. Directions straight, I started out.

"I went along about a hundred yards to where the wall, which protected the road from the river, ended and turned left down a track laid out with white mine tapes which led to the river, about 400 yards ahead. The track was strewn with discarded equipment, broken stretchers, torn and bloody blankets; and a couple of burned-out bridging trucks were turned over out of the way. There were still signs of the Americans' vain attempt to cross the river several months before. The track led downhill across a field which was creased with four or five drainage ditches. Just after I turned off the road I met a jeep coming up with two stretcher cases. I started to pull over the tapes to let him pass, but the driver shouted 'For God's sake, don't leave the track; there are mines around here.' He was just able to squeeze by me. About 20 yards from the river there was a huge bomb crater, which forbade going any farther, so I had to cross the tapes and take my chances. I backed over them, so if there were any mines the back wheels would get it and not the front ones. The casualties were being carried across the river on assault boats and then carried to me by Jerry prisoners. . . .

"To cut a long story short, the second time I went down the casualties were quite slow in coming across, so I had the Jerries: lay the stretchers in one of the ditches until I had enough to fill the car. Mortar bombs were coming over with their unique howling noise which has won them the name 'sobbing sisters.' There was also a sniper across the river, who made movement uncomfortable. Many of the casualties had not been dressed, so I found my hands quite full. Finally when the fourth stretcher case came across I found I had seven walking wounded to take back as well. I put the four stretchers in and one of the walkers behind them by the back door and closed up.

"I was trying to figure out what I'd do with the rest when we heard a plane overhead. We looked up and saw ( I was told later) a FW-190. One ack-ack shell burst behind him and he went into his dive. We all hit the ground and tried to get as flat as possible. The scream of his bombs (he dropped 5 small air bombs) was. clearly audible above and apart from the shriek of his air screw. As I lay there and the bombs ended their tortured trip with the culminating crashes, I could see a man's legs flailing the underbrush near the river.

"When the plane had gone on his way, I found that no one was hurt, although one bomb had landed in the ditch 5 yards from the car, and shrapnel had punctured the side of the car just below the top stretcher. There also was a dent in the left-hand front door, just below the window. I put a walker in front, one on each fender, one on each running board, and one on the back step. As I was driving up to the road I noticed in my rear-view mirror a bole in the back window. I still don't know where the bullet went after it went in, or whether it was from the plane or a sniper. I heard machine-gun fire while the plane was diving, but it might have been ack-ack fire. When I got back to . . . ADS B again, I was forbidden to go out again and sat down and for the first time in my life smoked two cigarettes in a row."

Some bridges were put up on the first night of the assault, but not in all sectors of the front. On the 12th, C. S. Satterthwait and D. D. Whipple both crossed the Rapido with stretcher-bearing parties, Whipple probably having been the first man across. The group Satterthwait volunteered to accompany went across the river in a small boat pulled by handline. Avoiding a couple of enemy machine-gun nests by-passed the night before, they searched the battlefield with only a red-cross flag for protection. Casualties were carried from the river in the jeep Satterthwait had salvaged at Skipton, which in the interval had been fitted out to carry three stretchers.

By the 15th the bridgehead north of the Rapido was secure, if no more than 2,000 yards deep, and the bridges were up. Several sections of ambulances were sent across. One group from B Platoon was called up on the 13th to accompany the tanks of the 6th Armored Division. M. B. Strauss with a section including D. B. Cowles, N. Laden, W. E. Love, and W. Stump, was attached to the Derbyshire Yeomanry, and with them went T. Barton and a section including A. D. Brixey, Jr., B. G. Dickey, C. A. Rellinger, and E. Vasilew. A number of C Platoon cars went across with their artillery RAPs. And A Platoon cars, in the wake of Colonel "Follow Me" Valentine, were in such close support of the infantry that some were reported to have passed through the German lines in search of casualties.

On the 15th, Lt. Mitchell recorded in the Company diary that the members of B Platoon across the Rapido had "attacked with the tanks, driving through the dust of the tank battle to evacuate patients during the action. Don Harty and Drayton Smith last night tried to reach the Black Watch, which had been surrounded just above Cassino. A German sentry told the Colonel in charge of the party that ambulances couldn't go through because of an attack being made to relieve the Black Watch. Later jeeps brought out patients to where the ambulances were waiting, and several trips with patients were made. (Apparently the Watch were able to keep a corridor open through which the jeeps could pass.) Drayt Smith's car had a hole knocked in the radiator."

"Norm Laden was wounded just before noon today," Lt. Mitchell wrote the next day. "Norm and Bud Love, attached to a tank unit of the 6th Armored Div, were near a Car Post beyond a 78th Div ADS on the west side of the Rapido River when a mortar stonk began. The first mortar wounded a man near by, and Norm and Bud got out of their slit trench, grabbed a stretcher, and went to pick him up. As they were carrying him back, another bomb landed behind them. They dropped as it came, but Norm was hit by a fragment. Lowell Messerschmidt was hailed, picked Norm up, and drove him the short distance to the ADS. . . . Bud Love, just after Norm Laden was hit, distinguished himself by creeping through ditches to his car, which stood near an exploding mortar-bomb dump, and driving it out of danger." Later, L. S. Garland made 3 evacuations from his RAP, each time passing the burning and exploding ammunition trucks that had inconvenienced Laden and Love. He was commended by his MO for the speed with which he returned from each evacuation.

Half the ambulances of C Platoon had been with artillery RAPs, many of 78th Division, and half with Platoon HQ at S. Pietro. During the course of the battle the RAPs had moved across the Rapido, Platoon Sergeant Chamberlin in charge. On the afternoon of 17 May, Lt. Bryan, returning with F. E. Balderston from a tour of the forward posts of his Platoon, was mortally wounded. They were bringing back a British MO who had been on roving duty in a Bren carrier since the start of the battle. At Cardiff bridge, they were tied up in a small concentration of traffic, which may have attracted fire. A shell struck without warning to the rear of their jeep, wounding both Lt. Bryan and the British MO, who had been sitting in the back.

As the shelling continued, Balderston managed to get the two unconscious officers out of the jeep and into a ditch beside the road, where he protected them from further wounds by lying across their bodies until the shelling stopped. After dressing their wounds, Balderston got them to the ADS and accompanied them on back to the MDS. He and Bryan were able to talk during the short trip. As they reached the MDS , Balderston said "We're turning in now." Bryan winked at him and died.

"The Field Service has lost a great platoon officer," Lt. Mitchell wrote. "C Platoon revolved about him, just as he reached out to every part of the platoon, wherever it was working, and it did the finest work possible because of his leadership. He saw and helped to win the crucial part of the great battle we are in." Robert Carter Bryan had represented "the spirit of the Field Service," wrote Captain Morley, expressing the sympathy of the attached British personnel. He was succeeded as Platoon officer by Lt. W. B. Chamberlin III, with H. M. Wagner succeeding as Sergeant.

The press of wounded during the battle was such that existing facilities were hard put to it to handle all the seriously wounded. The walking wounded were so numerous that they began to bank up at the MDSs, and the ADMS applied to 485 Company headquarters for some innovation to deal with the situation. A group of 4 of the British personnel volunteered and, under the direction of Corporal Bliss, the Mackenzie brothers and Private Vidgeon with two of the Company's 3-ton trucks evacuated walking wounded from the MDS to the CCS on Route 6. They continued day and night until the situation eased, giving one more example of their fine spirit, ingenuity, and willingness to help in emergencies.

With the fall of Cassino on the 18th, the 4th British Division came out of the line, and a number of A Platoon cars were released from their assignments. This gave each platoon an unemployed group for a while, as B was not entirely posted until the crossing of the Melfa marked the start of the pursuit north. Route 6 through Cassino was quickly repaired, and many on their runs back drove through the site that had caused so much trouble. It was a frightening sight. As one man said: "There's nothing left except a couple of bricks piled on top of each other, and both of those are broken."

On 20 May, while preparations were being made for the smashing of the Hitler Line, 485 Company HQ moved forward, going in convoy with B Platoon HQ and unassigned cars. "Traffic very light, for a wonder," Lt. Mitchell wrote. "B Platoon is camped on the right of the road just beyond the big loop in Route 6, beyond the quarry. HQ is set up next to A Platoon at C Platoon's old site---an open slope on the left of Route 6 facing S. Pietro. C Platoon moved to a new HQ site across the Rapido on Ace track," leaving a section at S. Pietro with 217 MDS (78th Division).

On the next day at 1315 hours, his account continues, "two shells landed in the 217 MDS grounds. One hit the corner of the evacuation tent, tearing it to shreds but not injuring the two men on stretchers inside. Barr King was just loading a stretcher case . . . when the first shell landed. The car was about 15 feet from the corner of the evacuation tent which was hit. The patient being loaded was seriously wounded again in the arm and stomach. Barr's left arm was badly gashed just below the elbow in the fleshy outside part---not serious. Ed Munger, one of us in the group around the ambulance, was slightly gashed on the leg a few inches above the ankle. He is all right and will stay up forward, resting for a day or two at C Platoon HQ. Bill Edwards was one of the first back to the ambulance, after we all flopped on the ground, and carried one end of the stretcher as the wounded man was taken back to the tent for dressing. The car was riddled with shell fragments, the two left side tires and spare flattened. In half an hour, while Bill went for Ward and tire replacements and Barr was evacuated, we had put spares on the two wheels and had the car ready to be towed to HQ for repairs to the gas tank, which was punctured. Ed Kelly and Maurice Dennis helped mightily in this. A bit of shrapnel grazed your scrivener's eyebrow, just enough to make iodine sting." A few days later, Lt. Mitchell reported that G. F. Stutz, also of C Platoon, had received a slight shrapnel wound in the arm. Stutz was able to continue on duty after having the wound dressed.

In the meantime, with the Poles, A and D Platoons of 567 Company had also been having a busy time. At the beginning of the battle, both were in Venafro. A was assigned to evacuate both 3 and 5 Polish CCSs and the Polish General Hospital in Venafro to a check post in Boiano. D was assigned the forward evacuations for the Polish Corps. On 9 May, 10 ambulances from D Platoon, and on the 13th 5 more, were sent to the MDS of the Polish 5th Kresowa Division, evacuating down "infernal track" to a check post at Acquafondata. On the 10th, 5 cars were sent to the 3rd Carpathian Division's MDS at S. Vittore to evacuate its ADS between Cairo and Cassino.

"When the battle opened," the Company diary recorded, "the ambulances were stationed and ready. . . . The casualties were heavy and for this work A Platoon was supplemented by 12 HQ Group cars(14) and a section of 25 MAC. A Platoon itself evacuated over 2,500 casualties during the opening days. The 42 cars at Venafro evacuated approximately 1,000 casualties in 12 hours. The evacuation was about 30 miles, the round trip taking about 6 hours. These figures represent pretty close to peak capacity for efficient evacuation and serve as a useful practical indicator of the scope of responsibility a given number of Dodge ambulances can assume. Appropriate variations can be made for changes in conditions. As for the front-line ambulances, one section of 5 cars evacuated 200 casualties in the first 36 hours of the attack. This run took 3 hours one way and was over the unusually had tracks around Cassino."

These front-line evacuations were described by L. M. Allen:

"The Germans . . . from their positions on Monte Cassino and Monte Cairo commanded a view of the entire valley and the surrounding country which we held. Consequently it was almost impossible for traffic to move around the town during daylight. As a matter of fact, during the early stages of the battle, our ambulances were about the only vehicles using our particular road. It was certainly a weird drive, as our hospital was actually north of the town and we had to drive right past Cassino and the monastery while they were still held by the Germans. So-called smoke-pots---artificial smoke screens---were set at various points along the road to cover it from view of the Germans, and generally there was a heavy mist covering the valley, giving me the impression that I was driving through a real inferno, particularly so because of the feeling of death all around---a terrific stench from the dead mules along the road, and perhaps dead human bodies too (though none were in sight). Also knocked out tanks and other vehicles lay along the road, and there was the sound of whistling shells overhead. At the same time, a great feeling of loneliness, as I never saw another living person along the road, it seemed. Then at times the mist would rise, and the monastery would emerge clearly . . . and it looked so close you could almost imagine seeing the Germans in it. At these times, for some strange psychological reason, I as well as many of the others had a very difficult time forcing myself to look up directly at the town and hill but wanted only to look at the road. Now . . . the town is no longer a town but a mass tomb covered by rubble. Every inch of ground is torn up. "

The section with the 3rd Carpathian Division was about 11 miles from Cassino. The opening barrage "really was the most stupendous thing I have ever seen," wrote R. M. Applewhite.

"The country looked as if it had been sprinkled with diamonds or like the crest of a phosphorescent wave. You can imagine the sleep we got. The next day we all worked continuously bringing the wounded back from the Monte Cairo sector. We got a little sleep about dusk, but I was called again about midnight to go back up. The road was terrific. It took about an hour and a half to do the 14 miles. When I got to a place where I knew there was a bend, I had to get out and look for the road, because it was too dark to see. I knew I was fairly near the right place, because I could smell the two dead mules which were right at the bend.

"Just as I got out, Jerry sent some mortars over, and they were landing so close I jumped down into a convenient dugout---with two Poles and a dog. In about 20 minutes I thought it safe to go on, so I got back in the car and whoommff! I jumped back into the dugout in one leap. As soon as the noise died down a bit, I could hear the dreadful 'pissst' of a punctured tire. It took me an hour and a half to change it, because Jerry would start shelling just as I started to work. It was very unpleasant. (I had 3 flats caused by shrapnel in 10 days.) Anyway, I finally got it fixed and pushed on up to the post just as it was getting light [on 13 May]. The post was very near the front. The machine guns sounded as if they were in the next yard. . . .

"I arrived at the post to find Larry Toms waiting just ahead of me. I told him about the trouble I'd had, and we found a piece of shrapnel which had gone through the back window, pierced my helmet, and finally ended up in the fire-extinguisher. Larry loaded two patients in his car and was sitting in with them---I was about 12 feet behind the car---when there was a terrific concussion. I was aware of no explosion or sound of any sort. I immediately jumped behind a wall, but came out again in a few seconds. Larry's car was all hidden by smoke. In a few seconds he appeared at the door, yelling for help; but I could not hear him because the noise had deafened me. Poor Larry was hit in several places and was pretty scared---not to mention myself. We took him down to the MO, who attended to him immediately. I evacuated him after another half hour. . . .

"This work kept up for several days, then we were withdrawn for several days' rest. When we went back in [on 21 May], we went beyond Cassino [toward Piedimonte] with [2nd Polish Armored Brigade]. We leaguered on the side of a mountain in full view of Jerry, but he only shelled the main road, as every time he would fire we would answer back at the gun position he had thus given away. It was very quiet all the afternoon, evening, and night. We could see the infantry going in with grim faces and bayonets fixed. The trees looked dead, because practically all the branches had been torn off by the shells.

"I awoke early and went over to Bill Congdon's car with a can of bacon to add to the breakfast brew-up. just as I got there, the shells started coming thick and fast. Three of us jumped into the same slit trench and tried to act as small as possible. After the first salvo, we heard cries for help and looked up to see two stretcher-bearers running over to help. I thought this a good time to get back to my own hole, so I started to run back. When I was almost there, they started coming again, and I dropped down into a newly made pot-hole for protection; and then one landed close, and when I looked up I could not see anything but smoke. For another 15 minutes they came thick and fast. It was by far the worst thing I have ever been through. When I got up, I found that a mortar had landed about 10 feet away from me. My car was in a shambles. The radiator, gas tank, tires were all punctured; the car had more than 250 holes in it!

"I did not look long, because they started coming over again. One landed about 30 feet away, and I heard many groans and shrieks. I ran over and found a horrible mess. A shell had landed in the middle of a group of 7 people who had been huddled together in the same hole. Why they weren't all killed I don't know. The MO arrived about the same time I did. Several of us went to work trying to make the wounded more comfortable. We picked up one guy and his feet fell off. About half an hour later---the shelling was practically continuous---I rode back with one of the ambulances. What a relief to get out of that hell hole. I came back to Platoon HQ and got some help. We went back up and towed the car out and down to the workshop. I now have a new car, because the old one was beyond repair."

Fortunately Toms's wound was not serious, although it hospitalized him for a while. This and the loss of Applewhite's ambulance were the only casualties listed by the Company for the month. However, J. C. Harkness, while with the ADS of 9 Field Ambulance near Piedimonte, on the 22nd or 23rd of the month received a scratch on the left arm from a mortar. He did not require hospitalization.

When the Polish Corps had taken Piedimonte on 25 May, they were withdrawn from the battle. A and D Platoons went to rest at Venafro. Applewhite's section (including L. G. Bigelow, W. G. Congdon, J. C. Harkness, and J. P. Horton) received a special commendation from General Rakowski, officer Commanding 2nd Armored Brigade, which read in part: "Their work for wounded Polish soldiers has strengthened the friendliness of every Pole to the American nation." And Lt. Murray and D Platoon in general received the thanks of Col. Dr. Dietrich, DDMS 2 Polish Corps: "All our men have expressed the highest appreciations of their services throughout, and the success of our scheme of evacuation was in no small way due to their efforts."

At one time in this action the Poles took as prisoner a member of 485 Company who was on an unauthorized sightseeing tour. He was wearing a GI helmet, which to the edgy Poles probably looked quite suspiciously German. This same individual on another occasion had written on a vehicle return as "information of interest to the donor of this ambulance" that "this is one of the few cars in the American Field Service that is held together by the presence of Jesus Christ." On seeing this his platoon officer commented: "Who seems to have been expected to do all the maintenance." The Poles returned their "prisoner" promptly, without recorded comment.

On 30 May, 567 Company HQ moved to Venafro to join the resting A and D Platoons; B Platoon continued in Isernia. With the breaking of the Hitler Line on the 25th, the Italian troops had transferred to 5 Corps on the east coast, the cars with them returning to B Platoon HQ. At the same time, the New Zealand Division began again to advance, going through Atina to Sora, which they reached on 1 June. On the 2nd, Lt. Hobbs returned to the Company and was assigned to B Platoon, releasing Lt. Riotte for repatriation. During the whole attack, and until the fall of Rome, only two-thirds of the Platoon was at work. At this time the assignments were to 5th NZ ADS and with RAPs in the mountains at Sora, Vastogirardi, and Villa Latina. Thus, for a while, most of 567 Company was able to enjoy a well-earned rest.

On the 13 Corps front, the collapse of the Hitler Line brought more work for 485 Company, as well as frequent moves forward and longer evacuations. A and C Platoons continued hard at work, A almost entirely with the 8th Indian Division and C all out with 78th Division. B Platoon was fully assigned to units of the 6th Armored Division with the crossing of the Melfa River. The 6th Armored had massed to lead the pursuit after the final smashing blow on the Hitler Line on the 23rd.

"The Melfa was crossed with much more ease than the Rapido," Lt. Biddle wrote. "As we pulled into the MDS [2 miles north of] the river to set up our HQ in a near-by farmhouse, I noticed certain ominous characters with field glasses surveying even more ominous puffs of smoke rising from a hill scarcely a mile distant. It appeared that Jerry had filtered down through the hills and the front line was in a state of what was called flux.

"'This,' I mentioned to the Field Ambulance Sergeant-Major, 'is a hell of a spot for an MDS.'

"'This,' he countered with great pride, 'I have on best authority, is the most forward MDS ever established in the entire British Army!

"A delightful record to get mixed up in, I thought, and the Germans substantiated by lobbing about a dozen shells far to the rear. You could hear them whistle over, high above.

"In front of the MDS were two steep hills [Piccolo and Grande], and on the slopes of these hills took place one of the bloodiest engagements in the advance. . . . [The Germans] were counterattacking---but just as it looked as if they would overrun [the ADS], and after the Medical officer in charge had given [B. P. Ford, R. G. Higby, and W. W. Kreis] full instructions on how they should act when captured, the last reserves of the brigade halted the enemy. Their lines wavered, then withdrew. The battle was won. [Kreis turned the tables by capturing 3 Germans and presenting them to the MO.]

"After that the battle broke wide open. We were on the move constantly---in darkness, at first light, sometimes all day on the road---with our tanks up ahead and our infantry on the flanks. A few times below Rome, isolated pockets of Germans came down from the hills and cut the Divisional convoy. They would shoot up all their ammunition, then surrender.

"Across the Melfa the following evening, 26 May, two of the Platoon, Dawson Ellsworth and Frank Billings, were blown up on a mine, going after an Italian civilian reported badly wounded near the RAP. Dawson had his right arm nearly severed by the blast; Frank was badly burned. Their Italian guide was burned to death in the back of the car. The British Medical officer with them escaped without injury. Ellsworth died as a result of his wound---and this was one of our worst tragedies. He had just joined the Platoon. It was his first front-line assignment."

Arce fell on 29 May, and all units began moving forward. The 6th Armored Division, after spearheading the drive, pulled back for a couple of days rest. By 1 June, A Platoon had its headquarters in Arce and C was across the valley in Ceprano. Company HQ, with a more cautious pace, had moved past Cassino on Route 6 to the Pontecorvo turnoff. While the Fifth Army advance on the coast approached Rome, 13 Corps chased the Germans from the hills inland.

On 4 June, B Platoon suffered another casualty. J. D. Cuningham, while attached to 2 Rifle Brigade, was killed by a shell which hit his ambulance exactly in the center of the red cross on the side. Returning from an attack in which a hill near Fiuggi had been taken, the several medical vehicles of the RAP with which he was working stopped 2 miles east of Fiuggi for a brew-up in what seemed a protective dip in the road. The first sounds of shelling a mile away did not worry them, but as it came closer some of the cars got off the road. Cuningham, the MO, and two British orderlies were killed before they could get away. An NCO for some months, John Dale Cuningham had been called "an inspiration to his section," and his loss was keenly felt.

On the same day, elements of Fifth Army entered and took Rome. The AFS group at Anzio, D Platoon of 485 Company, were the only ones to share in this exciting advance---the goal of all the fighting for all these months.

The situation at Anzio had remained the same for quite some time, the Allied troops confined in an area at its widest points 8 by 16 miles. On the 25th, when the Hitler Line was breached, U.S. troops advancing along the coast made contact with U.S. troops from the beachhead, now, after 4 months' survival, known simply as the 'head. Then the British 1st Division began attacking north and west toward Rome through the extensive ring of minefields the Germans had had all spring to plant. On the 30th, the rest of D Platoon drove up to Anzio, transferring HQ from Sparanise to their old dugout in the medical area. Half the Platoon was kept there for rear evacuations, while the rest were sent forward.

M. E. Hall, with 1 Battalion of the Loyal Regiment, distinguished himself on 30 May during the 2nd Infantry Brigade attack on Tenuta Casalazzara, northwest of Ardea. His citation reads in part: "On hearing that there was a seriously wounded man in a forward area, Volunteer Hall took his ambulance forward from the RAP, drove it as far as possible under heavy fire, and then proceeded on foot with a stretcher and collected the casualty and brought him back to the RAP. During the period following, this area was subjected to heavy mortaring. On several occasions Volunteer Hall took his ambulance forward of the RAP to collect and evacuate wounded. On two occasions the tires of his vehicle were punctured and he immediately repaired them himself without any regard for his personal safety."

R. F. Ashmun, long known as "Junior," the youngest AFS member on the beachhead, seems to have led part of the advance on Rome. After he had spent a couple of days at an RAP close to the lines, the troops began to move forward.

"Another unit took over, and we got all set to move," he wrote. "After all night at work, we pushed off behind the infantry in the morning. There were dead Jerries everywhere, and the amounts of equipment destroyed on the road were fantastic. Jerry is very neat, apparently, until he knows he's leaving, and then he goes all out to make the place as tough and disgusting as possible. . . .

"We went on with a stretcher-bearing officer in a jeep and discovered our Brigade (KOYLI) sitting beside the road. We decided to see what was going on, so we batted off down the road. Three miles up we passed reconnaissance, and from then on we were on our own. We discovered a model Fascisti village . . . and went hunting. . . . Everything of value was removed except a gold-looking plate set in above the altar in the church. It must have been brass or it would have gone the way of all good things. . . . We had gone about poking doors open with a long pole, jabbing at small objects from behind suitable cover, just in case. Then we found a lovely bathtub and we abandoned all caution in order to turn on the water. of course, they had blasted the pumps, but we hadn't thought about that.

"The next thing we knew somebody was shouting for us to come out of the building with our hands up or else he'd blow us sky high. We came out to discover the most chagrined British officer I've ever seen. He was sure he'd made his first capture. He couldn't have been much older than I, and for a moment I wished for his sake we could have been German.

"We decided they might need us back at the RAP, so we scooted back down the road looking for it. We passed---going the other way---reconnaissance, mine-sweeping engineers, infantry, and advanced artillery units, all looking at us in the queerest way. Later we discovered from the Divisional Commander himself that we had been, at least, two miles ahead of the advance. He briefed us shortly, congratulated us on our 'devotion to duty,' saluted me beautifully (we had met before), asked about everything at home, and raced off after his men."

The Germans evacuated Rome. Within a few hours of the entry of U.S. troops, the AFS was there, too. W. W. Baer and W. C. Hackett, attached to D Platoon HQ, were reported as having entered Rome within 4 hours of the U.S. troops. "The contrast between the untouched city and the shattered beachhead towns," Hackett said, "was one that I will never forget." When on the 6th the invasion of France was announced, there was general rejoicing at the news. As the advance to Florence began, hearts were high and no hope seemed too fantastic. There were even those who considered that the war might be finished by September.