IN 1924, I was invited to become a member of the Philippine Educational Commission, of which Dr. Paul Monroe, a distinguished scholar of Teachers College, was Chairman. I became Vice Chairman. It was organized by the Insular Government to make a thorough survey of the educational system of the Islands, to discover how much had been accomplished under the American occupation and to recommend reforms. The Commission sailed from San Francisco December 27, 1924. I had always been anxious to hear the Chinese speak Pidgin English. I had read many specimens of it but had never heard it spoken. Most of the Chinese with whom I was acquainted were of the university type and spoke good English. No better place can be found to hear Pidgin English than on a Pacific liner, where all the "boys" are Chinese. The most humorous instance of its use occurred when a member of the Commission ordered poached eggs for breakfast one morning. Now the uneducated Chinese find great difficulty in pronouncing our R, calling it L instead. The boy returned and said, "No can do. Can fly. Can sclamble. No can poach. Egg no stand up. It was all entirely understandable and to make oneself understood is the primary purpose of language. The incident illustrates how one can get along with almost no use of the parts of speech other than nouns and verbs.

I believe that the use of nouns and about sixteen verbs is the chief characteristic of what is called Basic English. The sixteen verbs are naturally much overworked. The need of other verbs is avoided by the use of prepositions, thus: "to lift up" would be used instead of "to elevate", "to put down" instead of "to lower". Basic English has been very successful in preparing foreigners to use English by practically confining them to the 850 most common words. I once read a story in Basic English. It was very interesting to me as a linguistic performance and the plot of the story may have been interesting to a foreigner just learning English. But from the standpoint of literature it was poor stuff.

All liners crossing the Pacific stop at Hawaii. Considering the increased political and strategic importance of the Pacific since the Russo-Japanese War of 1905-1906, one of the most fortunate events in our history was the annexation of Hawaii by the United States in 1898. Hawaii is now our western outpost for hemisphere defense, absolutely essential as a naval base for that purpose. Of its inhabitants, only 21,000 native Hawaiians are now left and all will probably die out soon or be absorbed, there being now 41,000 mixed Hawaiians. There are 28,500 Chinese, of a migration before American occupation; 30,000 Portuguese introduced some years ago for labor; 52,500 Filipinos; and 10,000 Americans. But there are 158,000 Japanese out of a total population of almost 425,000. Hawaii is a Territory of the United States, having a legislature elected by universal suffrage. Children of Japanese born in Hawaii are American citizens and we must look forward to the time when the Japanese may form a majority of the voters of Hawaii. Should they act as a unit they might control the legislature. However, every effort of the Territorial Government is being exerted through the schools to make them loyal American citizens and, I believe, with considerable success. The future of these young Japanese-Americans is not very hopeful. The opportunities for bright young men in the Islands are not great. Being American citizens, they have a right to come to the mainland and they do come. But they look like Japanese and are taken for Japanese, and frequently are made to feel the dislike for the Japanese that now so largely prevails in our country because of Japan's aggressive policies in East Asia. Every effort ought to be made in continental United States to avoid destroying the good effects of American schools upon these young native-born citizens.

The treacherous attack of the Japanese upon Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, has naturally strengthened the dislike of the Japanese upon the part of the American people. Nevertheless, the just action of our government in removing Japanese residents from the Pacific Coast area as a military measure was accomplished with a minimum of friction and ill-feeling. The wisdom of the action in the case of the 100,000 Japanese Americans is less clear. They are native-born citizens, many of whom are of undoubted loyalty. Ought discrimination to have been imposed upon them as against other native Americans? We are at war also with Germany and Italy, but we have not removed inland any of the millions of native Americans of German and Italian ancestry who are residents of the Atlantic coast area. If such discrimination among native Americans can be made in wartime may it not sooner or later be used as a precedent in peacetime for less desirable objectives?

Most of the countries around the Pacific have in recent years become aware of the importance of the problems that confront them in that area. I am going to digress a little to describe one way in which they have attacked the problem. One of the finest institutions with which I am associated and at whose founding I assisted is the Institute of Pacific Relations. It was composed originally of delegates from the countries bordering the Pacific: Canada, the United States, China, Australia, Japan and, because of her multifarious interests in the Pacific, Great Britain. In recent years, French, Dutch, and Russian members have been added for the same reason. It was originally a purely voluntary organization without governmental connection. Now, probably no delegation save those of the United States, Canada, and Australia is uninfluenced by official connections. Its object is to bring together intelligent representatives of the countries mentioned who have a deep interest in a wise solution of the problems that confront them. The first two conferences were held at Honolulu. After my initial visit to Hawaii in 1925 I attended the second conference in 1927 as a delegate from the United States. The American and British delegates sailed from San Francisco together and I was much impressed by the character of the British delegates. The Chairman was Sir Frederick Whyte, who had been a member of Parliament and afterwards Speaker of the House in India. Another delegate was: Lionel Curtis, who was one of the authors of the Selborne Memorandum that became the basis of the unification of the South African colonies. Both were unusually able men with a thorough knowledge of international affairs and a liberal outlook upon international problems. The British delegation illustrated the usual skill of the British in preparing for an international conference by having three able secretaries: young Lord Castlereagh, a Conservative; young William Astor, a Liberal; and Malcolm MacDonald, a Laborite. I admired the way in which those three young men worked and played together. They were quite inseparable.

It will be remembered that at that time the Chinese Nationalists regarded the British as the chief obstacle to the realization of their national aims---the complete unity and independence of China---although since then they have naturally transferred their dislike to the Japanese. I shall never forget the tense situation which arose at a session of the conference when one of the Chinese delegates passionately denounced the imperialistic activities of the British in China. There ensued complete silence and the atmosphere was tense. Sir Frederick Whyte, instead of himself undertaking a reasoned defense of the British in China, said, "Mr. MacDonald is better qualified than I am to speak upon that subject." Without any hesitation MacDonald said, "I have no doubt that many of the activities described did take place. All I can say is that had the Labor Party been in power, they would not have taken place." We all joined in the laugh that followed. The tension disappeared and the conference proceeded to devote itself to the constructive projects for which it had been called.

While attending the conference, which lasted two weeks, the delegates tried to learn as much as possible about the different aspects of the Hawaiian problem. One day several of us went with the Superintendent of Schools of Honolulu to visit one of the high schools in the Japanese quarter, attended almost exclusively by young Japanese-Americans. One of those in our group was the chief of the Japanese delegation, Mr. Yusuke Tsurumi, and he was requested by the school Principal to say a few words to the students. When he finished the Principal said to the students, "Would anyone like to ask Mr. Tsurumi a question?" One young Japanese-American said, "Yes, I would like to ask him why the Japanese are so imperialistic?"

The conference accomplished an admirable work. It enabled all the delegates to learn at first hand the different views held by the various nationalities on any particular problem, such as the capitulations in China. With better understanding came greater appreciation of the difficulties involved and the conclusions arrived at were probably the best possible at the time. I feel confident that they had considerable influence on the viewpoints of some of the governments at home. The Institute of Pacific Relations held similar conferences biennially until the outbreak of the present war between China and Japan, and its reports have been invaluable for an understanding of the situation in the Pacific area.

My voyage to the Philippines was, as practically every voyage to the Islands is, by way of Japan and China, but I prefer to describe my experiences in those countries when I passed through them again on my way home. This visit was my first to a tropical country and I was deeply impressed by the strangeness of the physical environment in the Philippines. The mountains surrounding Manila were to my eyes very beautiful. The trees were always green, the flowers and the foliage generally entrancing, the birds were glorious in their startling plumage, but without anything like the lovely songs of our birds; the fruits, such as papaya and mangoes with which I was unacquainted at the time, were delicious, the patient and hard-working carabaos with their immense horns the semi-naked Igorrotes whose country I later visited-al these sights filled me with delight. And for the first time in my life I was in a place where practically everyone was accustomed to dressing in white---the upper classes in linen, the tao, the peasant, in B.V.D.'s.

The first night of my sojourn I spent at the Agricultural College at Los Baños, quite a distance from Manila. I was astonished to see salamanders of various sizes moving slowly about the ceiling and upper walls. In the midst of our dinner one about six inches long fell near the edge of the table and lost his tail. He might just as well have fallen into the soup. The incident caused no commotion because it is by no means uncommon. The attitude toward the salamander is very friendly because it lives chiefly on the insects it eats. I spent the evening after dinner discussing educational matters with some of the professors and went to bed really somewhat fearful. My host's house was on the edge of the jungle and I wondered whether a snake might not enter one of the many openings in the lightly constructed house. During the night I heard a noise as if someone wanted to get in. I arose to look out and there was a monkey solemnly peering in. I shooed him off and was told the next morning that I had acted wisely. Another guest had been badly bitten by a monkey which he had tried to seize. I slept more soundly the remaining nights of my stay at Los Baños despite the fact that I heard a monkey scurry across the thatched roof every now and then.

We arrived at a time of great political commotion, with two commanding and opposed figures in the forefront. Manuel Quezon, the leader of the Nacionalista party, had the support of the great mass of the Filipino people in his demand for complete and immediate independence for the Islands. Quezon is a Spanish mestizo and one of the most attractive men I ever met. He is a brilliant conversationalist, an eloquent public speaker and a skillful politician. His career is contemporary and identified with the history of the Philippine Commonwealth, and there is no question that future generations of Filipinos will regard him as one of the greatest of the Founding Fathers of their country. Some official Americans regarded him as unstable and unreliable. He probably resorted to some of the dubious devices used generally by a politically inexperienced colonial people trying to make its way against the power of a foreign ruling government. My personal intercourse with him was most pleasant and I found him reasonable in his attitude on difficult problems. Ten years afterward when he was visiting the United States he urged me to return with him and render a service similar to that I rendered in 1925. I became acquainted also with Sergio Osmeña, who was competing at that time with Quezon for supremacy in the political affairs of the Islands. Osmeña is a Chinese mestizo---reserved, cautious, and steady, whose word is his bond and who had the implicit confidence of the American officials. The two men afterward overcame their differences and cooperated in securing the Commonwealth of the Philippines, with Quezon as President and Osmeña Vice President.

The other commanding figure in the Islands was the Governor General, General Leonard Wood, a man of fine character and a very patriotic American. He had practically the unanimous support of the American residents in the Philippines and the support of most Americans at home in his determination that the Islands should remain under the American flag until the Filipino people had sufficient experience in self-government to justify the grant of independence. He was a man of indomitable will and unswerving integrity and worked hard and incessantly to make the American Occupation an agency for the welfare of the Filipinos. He was a forthright New Englander who did not get along well with the subtle Quezon and the politicians generally. He believed all Americans were animated by his own principles and disliked seeing any of them return permanently to the United States. Though he was very fond of the Filipinos, I think he underemphasized their contribution to the progress of the Islands.

The controversy over independence extended to all classes and even to the children in the schools. On one occasion when our Commission visited a little barrio school out in the country, the teacher of a class of little boys about ten years old, naturally wanting to display the accomplishments of his pupils, said in his best bamboo English, "Eduardo, deescribe dee cow." Eduardo answered, "Dee cow iss a noble beast. Dee cow has four legs, one in each corner. Dee cow geeves milk. But as for me, gif me liberty or gif me death." Obviously the spirit of the Revolution followed the flag and Patrick Henry was redivivus.

The volume of accomplishment in the Philippines during the American occupation has been amazing. Under the Spaniards the Islands were constantly rent by uprisings, and brigandage flourished in many of the provinces. In 1925, the excellently organized Philippine constabulary maintained a security for life and property equal to that found anywhere in the United States. Under the Spaniards individual rights were constantly suppressed and the judicial administration, like the administration generally, was corrupt. The Americans brought constitutional guarantees of individual rights, guarded by a competent and honest Supreme Court. The Spaniards left Manila a dirty, fever-ridden port. Under American administration it became one of the finest cities of the Orient in practically every respect. When the American occupation began, public health and sanitation were unknown terms in the Islands. When our Commission arrived the splendid system of medical inspection, the drainage system, the abundant artesian wells and other safeguards for health had practically put an end to the plague, smallpox, cholera and other scourges that formerly swept across the Islands. The excellent roads, the railways, the irrigation systems, the facilities for inter-island communication are all material evidences of this remarkable transformation. So are the stable currency on a gold basis and the impressive growth of trade and industry.

Better still is the record in things of the mind and spirit. No one knows just how many pupils there were in the schools of the Islands when the Spaniards withdrew, but the most generous estimate would not place the number as high as 200,000. In 1925 there existed a system of elementary and secondary schools leading to the University of the Philippines and forming an educational ladder up which 1,300,000 Filipino children were climbing. The Filipino people are devoted to the public schools, upon which no less than 27.5 per cent of the Insular revenues were then spent. This record is something that every American should be proud of. In essence it had transformed a static medieval feudalism into the beginnings of a modern progressive democracy. It had brought hope and ambition to a people that for 350 years had been kept in sterile subjection by the rigid bureaucratic regime of the Spaniards. I was proud that my country had assisted in raising this attractive oriental people, who form a Christian isle in a sea of non-Christians, to a twentieth century civilization.

The splendid practical achievements of American engineers and physicians in the Philippines have been so publicized that the equally practical accomplishments of the teachers have been overlooked. I am not now referring to the fine indirect results of their work in making better citizens and giving some understanding of the true meaning of democracy. I am referring to its direct, tangible results. For example, the Filipino people have always been great sufferers from malnutrition and skin diseases. This is partly due to an insufficient and unvaried diet of rice, with fish occasionally on Sundays and holidays. They were not accustomed to a variety of vegetables at the time of the American occupation. One of the wise plans put into execution by the Department of Public Instruction was to have a school garden attached to almost every barrio school. The children had their individual plots where, under supervision, they planted vegetables. On a certain day the Presidente of the municipality, sometimes even the Governor of the province, distributed prizes to the winners in the competition for the best gardens. Much was made of the occasion. Soon the idea was extended to home gardens. The diet of the Filipinos still leaves much to be desired, but the public school deserves the credit for having made an invaluable addition to it.

Wherever our Commission went we were enthusiastically received and royally entertained. In fact the time and attention that had to be given to such entertainment seriously delayed and hampered our work. The school people always provided a fine luncheon and an exhibition afterward. Of course, the storage of ice was hardly possible so there was no way of keeping meat. Hence every school killed chickens the morning of our arrival and chicken formed the chief element of our luncheon every day. I finally grew almost nauseated at the very appearance of chicken at a meal, and when I returned home I begged my family to omit it for a while from our diet. The school and classroom exhibitions, which were excellent in themselves, sometimes had humorous results. The Spaniards some four hundred years ago imposed their civilization upon American Indians and Malay Orientals. There is a theory that American Indians are the result of a migration of Asiatics to the Americas. Whether that is so is a question but I have always regarded the Filipinos as cousins of Latin Americans. Certainly in some respects the result of imposing Spanish civilization upon both peoples has been similar. They both like to "speechify" and to use pompous phrases to describe simple things. On one occasion in a barrio schoolroom the teacher held up a picture and said, "Francisco, what do you see in dee picture?" Francisco answered, "I see dee fadder cat and dee mudder cat and dee leedle katzens." "Antonio," asked the teacher, "what does dee mudder cat do?" "Dee mudder cat gives milk to dee leedle katzens." "Juan," asked the teacher, "what does dee fadder cat do?" And Juan answered proudly and rather chestily, "Dee fadder cat defends dee honor of dee mudder cat and de leedle katzens."

It was interesting to discover, as the result of applying educational tests, the difference in the I.Q.'s of American and Filipino children of the same age. In a few subjects, for example in arithmetic, the results were higher with the Filipino children than with Americans. Generally speaking, however, the Filipino children were from one to three years behind the American children. This was particularly true in practically all language work, and naturally so. The Filipino children were very much handicapped by the fact that all instruction in the schools was in English, a foreign language to them. It was as if American children were taught everything in French. The natural query is, why was this practice followed?

The Filipino people are divided into six large language groups with many subsidiary dialects. The leaders of the people are most anxious to weld the various tribes into a united nation. Of the almost 12,000,000 inhabitants in 1925, the most politically minded group, the Tagalogs, inhabiting the area around Manila, numbered 1,850,000. If the language of this group or any other group had been made the official language, a very divisive element would have been introduced into political and social life. Moreover, there exists in no one of the languages any great amount of cultural material which might form the basis of a school system. And to provide text books and other cultural materials in even the six major languages would be prohibitive in cost and destructive of the efficiency which had been developed as the result of centralized control. The Department of Public Instruction had introduced the splendid practice of transferring teachers from one part of the Islands to another, of sending Tagalog and Ilocano teachers from the north to teach in the schools of the south, and Visayan and Bicol teachers of the south to teach in the schools of the north. This binding element in the national life was possible only if instruction were given in a common medium, namely, English.

Other reasons could be advanced for deciding that English should be the common medium of instruction and the national language. But the drawbacks were obvious. English was spoken in the school only; the native dialect was the language of the home and the street. But the chief drawback was the fact that 82 per cent of the Filipino children remained in school only through the fourth grade, not long enough to be sufficiently grounded in English to become fluent. As I have already remarked, the devotion of the Filipino people to the cause of education was evidenced in the application of 27.5 per cent of their total revenues to that purpose. Where else in the world can that be matched? But in 1925 less than one half of the Filipino children were in school. The unfortunate thing is that the Filipinos simply have not the necessary resources to meet the enormous task they have undertaken, namely, to transform themselves quickly into a united nation. I believe that a very great deal of progress has been made in nationalization in the years since our visit.

The subject of English as the medium of instruction formed part of our conversation in a visit the Commission made to the home of General Aguinaldo, the commander of the Filipino army in the rebellion against Spain and afterward in the war against the United States. He is a Tagalog, a thoroughgoing patriot, and essentially a militarist. He asked us why we were not going to recommend Tagalog as the common medium of speech, and when we gave the reasons enumerated above, he struck the table with his fist and said, "I would have said it was to be Tagalog and that would have ended it."

It must have been a shock to the inhabitants of the Philippines upon the arrival of the Americans to compare the American attitude toward the different classes of society with that of the Spaniards. It had been customary under the Spanish rule for a youth attending the liceo to be followed on his way to school by a servant carrying his books. That practice did not survive the American occupation very long. Every effort was made to emphasize equality among the pupils in the schools. Unfortunately, that practice did not always extend to the relations between Filipinos and Americans. In the rural areas and small towns the relations between the two peoples were close and cordial but in the cities there was not a great deal of social intercourse. Because of the inferiority complex which has always existed in a colonial people of another race under white domination, the average intelligent Filipino felt that the Americans regarded themselves as a better folk, and the Filipinos resented it. That some justification existed for this feeling was evident from the fact that in the Army and Navy Club in Manila, only influential Filipinos were admitted. If an American officer was a bachelor, intimate friendly relations sometimes existed, but when he married that became less true and if an officer had children such relations were almost non-existent.

Generally speaking, Americans in the Philippines were held in high regard, though the disdainful attitude of some business people resulted in dislike in various places. Moreover, while the conduct of Americans generally from the standpoint of morals and manners was good, the Saturday night dances at the Manila Hotel were often accompanied by intoxication and loose conduct. The Manila Hotel is a government-owned institution and the dances were attended by Filipinos. They were not always edifying spectacles of conduct as standards of the white man for imitation by the brown man. Some delinquencies are always to be expected. On one visit to a barrio school I noticed a little boy with a most attractive face and beautiful blue eyes. He could hardly speak a word of English. On my inquiring of the teacher about the boy, he answered, "That is one of the products of a regiment of American soldiers stationed in the neighborhood a few years ago." The presence of the large numbers of Eurasians everywhere in Asia is the evidence of the illicit intercourse between white men and native women and the Philippines have proved to be no exception.

It was the duty of our Committee to visit all parts of the Islands and we finally came to Mindanao and Sulu, the habitat of the Moros. When Mohamet united the Arab tribes in the seventh century in a great religious crusade for the conversion of other peoples, he did not confine his march to the West for the overthrow of Christianity, but moved also to the East, where he subdued and converted pagan peoples. This movement continued for centuries after Mohamet's death and among the peoples converted were the inhabitants of what are now the Netherlands Indies and neighboring islands, including the southern Philippine Islands. At a later time the Spaniards came from the West bringing Christianity with them and converted the inhabitants of the northern Philippine Islands to that faith. There resulted an interminable conflict between the two peoples of the same race but different faiths. The Moros have always been fierce warriors and pirates and were never fully subdued by the Spaniards. The Christian inhabitants of the northern islands could never be certain that the Moros would not swoop down upon them, destroy their towns, take back their women and children as captives to their islands and force them to become Moslems. This condition lasted down almost to the American occupation and our troops were compelled to fight some bloody battles before the Moros were finally subdued. The American army officials treated the Moros with respect and admiration and won their respect and admiration in turn. But it was always difficult to prevent the Moros from attacking the Christian Filipinos, whom they held in great disdain.

Our Commission steamed up the Cotobato River in Mindanao in the company of the Filipino Governor of the province and the American Chief of Constabulary. It was very interesting going past the dense foliage and watching the crocodiles lying in the sun. The people in the clearings along the banks wire off a large square place in the river in front of their lands so that they can bathe and be free from the attacks of the crocodiles. After an all-day trip we reached the place of Datu Piang, a villainous looking old man but very friendly to the American occupation. He passed most of the evening denouncing the Filipino Government at Manila and assuring us that if the Americans yielded to the demands of the Filipinos and granted them independence, the Moros would drive out all the Filipinos who had settled in their region during the American occupation. He insisted that Moros had never been under the control of Filipinos and never would be. I happened to admire one of his bolos (fighting weapon) and he promised he would give each one of us a bolo in the morning. I afterward learned that he had ordered some of his people to stay up all night to make them. The Moro Datu is an absolute despot. I ought to mention, however, that Datu Piang's sons developed into most progressive leaders of the Moro people. Early the next day we rode to Lake Lanao through a dense forest on the worst looking nags one would care to mount. The monkeys in the forest screamed at us and bombarded us with coconuts. We arrived at the lake in time for lunch and in the afternoon visited the local school. It was taught by a woman teacher because the Moros would never stand for a male Filipino teacher coming into contact with their young women. We found the Moro children just as bright and attractive as the Filipino children.

From Mindanao we sailed to Sulu. Sulu, though under American sovereignty, is directly ruled by the Sultan of Sulu, who is also the religious head of the Moros. One approaches the island at the capital, Job, a rather shabby place where houses are largely set on stilts over the water. Until the American occupation no white man dared to go outside the paling which separated the town from the interior. Yet we wandered about the whole island in perfect security. This was due not merely to the wise policy of the American administration in its observance of the customs of the people, but also to the quiet, effective, and untiring efforts of a few American men and women who were willing to exile themselves there and devote their lives to raising the standards of living of the Sulu people. The two most important figures were Mrs. Lorillard Spencer and Mr. James Fugate. Mrs. Spencer and several other American friends of the Moros established a remarkable school on the island and remained there to protect it. Mr. Fugate became its principal and saw to it that not academic subjects alone were taught but practical and technical subjects of great local value. The Moros are splendidly developed in craftsmanship and the printing of books in Arabic was one of the finest pieces of handicraft that I had ever seen. Mr. Fugate later became Governor of the Sulu province and did much for its welfare.

As can be readily understood, the Moro people are more backward than the Filipinos. However unprogressive the Spanish regime was, it was more in touch with world movements than were the Moros. But the Moros were making rapid strides under the American regime when we were in Sulu. Some young men and women were sent to school and college in the United States. In one case that had an unexpected result. The cousin of the Sultan, the Princess Tarhata, spent two years at the University of Illinois and returned a very sophisticated young woman. But when we met her in Sulu she was dressed in Moro costume, had carmine lips (like our American women today) and her teeth were black from the chewing of betel nut. She ended up in the harem of another cousin where she intrigued and was a constant storm center. She might have associated with the eleven whites on the island but preferred to revert to the customs of her own people and be one of them. That, however, is not the usual result of a Moro's sojourn at a school in the United States. He generally returns fired with the desire to share with his fellows the things that he has learned here. And he usually does it with great singleness of purpose.

Because J was the so-called expert on higher education, I spent a great deal of my time at the University of the Philippines. The University was founded in 1910 and at first was manned chiefly by Americans, not always of the highest scholarly attainments. It pursued the excellent policy of sending talented young graduates called pensionados to universities in the United States to study for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. As the independence campaign became hotter, the university undertook to get rid of the American teachers by pensioning them off. This practice was followed in the school system also, even to the extent of giving teachers a bonus provided they would return home. In the University it had an unfortunate effect. The institution was too young and had not yet thoroughly organized its standards and formed its traditions. The teachers had not yet had a sufficiently long experience in administering such an enterprise when our Commission arrived. The succession of presidents of the University, American and Filipino, was made up of mediocre men. No one was a leader. There was a great deal of friction. The Filipino teachers were jealous of the Americans and were by no means united among themselves. However, some of the departments did excellent work and the university as a whole was as good as some of the state universities in our South. The reforms I suggested for the University can be found discussed in our Report.(3) All were accepted but one. In order to prevent politics from influencing the administration of the University, which was an intrenched practice, I recommended the exclusion from membership on the Board of Trustees of the Chairmen of the Committees on Public Instruction of the Senate and House of Representatives respectively, who, according to the Charter of the University were members. I maintained that the interests of the University could be safeguarded by the fine body of alumni. This was the recommendation which was not accepted by the Insular Government.

The students of the University came from all parts of the Islands and as there were very few dormitories they lived chiefly in boarding houses. Most of the students were not robust in appearance, and as the University had no gymnasium and the students did not engage much in sports, their physical deficiencies were not likely to be made good. The great majority wore glasses, not because they were necessary for good sight but because many of the students thought the glasses added to their scholarly appearance. As they had learned English from Filipino teachers who in turn had learned it from their Filipino teachers, there were times when I had difficulty in understanding their recitations. I judged that the majority of them had good memories and could reason well from the premises involved, but I did not think they were quick in perception or creative in ideas. The mortality among the students, due primarily to deficient scholarship, was very great. My sympathies have always gone out to individuals and colonial peoples who are ambitious to rise and willing to work hard in order to do so. I viewed with deep interest these young people's efforts to prepare themselves to improve their lot in the world. And I listened with emotion to the singing by these students of the patriotic hymn, "Philippines, My Philippines" written to the tune of "Maryland, My Maryland". The stanzas are as follows:

As soon as the United States assumed the sovereignty of the Philippines, the manifold activities in which the new administration engaged created a demand for intelligent civil servants of all kinds---teachers, field agents, technicians, clerks and many others. The University rendered great service by training young men and women for these posts. But by the time our Commission reached the Islands the saturation point for places in the government service had about been reached. We discovered that the manual training, technical and agricultural high schools were not nearly so popular as the academic high schools preparing for entrance to the professions. The reason is clear. In every colonial system the subject peoples envy the rulers, who occupy the leading places in society. When freedom and opportunity came to the Philippines with the American occupation, the Filipinos wanted to fill the important positions in law, medicine, teaching, and government service which formerly were largely monopolized by the Spaniards. They regarded the places that might be occupied as the result of the training given in the agricultural and manual training schools as inferior. It is the same phenomenon one finds in the home countries. There are more academically-trained intellectuals than are required to meet the needs of society.

After the United States became the sovereign power the American school system was naturally the model upon which the Philippine system was organized. This was also true of higher education. Sometimes American standards were too high for Filipino resources. I had an illustration of this when I was making a study of the School of Medicine of the University of the Philippines. When the Commission was in the Philippines there was not one physician to every 10,000 inhabitants as against one to every 2,000 in the United States. What few physicians existed were concentrated in the big towns. Of the 243 graduates of the College of Medicine in 1925, 100 were in Manila alone. The Commission had no desire to suggest measures looking to a reduction of the standards maintained by the College of Medicine. But it was a question whether in the interests of unnecessarily high standards and unusual specialization, the Filipino people had not been made to suffer. The population of the Philippines is overwhelmingly rural and what the people of these small communities needed was not highly trained specialists but physicians who could treat their ordinary bodily ailments. I suggested to the Dean of the Medical School that it might be possible for the School to train two types of medical men: one consisting of graduates of an advanced course of five years as then existed and who would receive the degree of Doctor of Medicine; and another made up of men who would have a less advanced course, possibly of two years, after the completion of which they would receive the title of practicante. The title had formerly existed in the islands. I suggested that in order that those composing the latter class might reside in the rural districts where their services were really needed, legislative provision might be made that only Doctors of Medicine might practice in the larger communities of a population beyond a specified number. To my suggestion, the Dean answered, "Oh, Dr. Duggan, what would the Rockefeller Foundation say?"

The University of the Philippines is not the only institution of higher education in the Islands. There are private institutions and institutions under religious control. The former can be dismissed with a word. They are money-making devices for the profit of those who organize and administer them. The scandal is that the government neither controls nor supervises them. It ignores them. When the Commission was in the Islands they were usually located in rented houses, poorly lighted and ventilated, with very inadequate libraries, laboratories and teaching materials, and with teachers of doubtful competence. Most of the work was done at night and was of the most routine textbook character. The University of the Philippines ought to be provided with sufficient funds to undertake this night work and render unnecessary the existence of the private "universities".

The institutions under religious control present a pleasant contrast to the private institutions. The best two are Silliman Institute under Protestant Mission auspices at Dumaguete in the south and the Ataneo under Jesuit control at Manila. The teachers in both are nearly all Americans; the language of instruction is English; the library and laboratory facilities are excellent, and as the representative of the Commission, I heard in both institutions some of the best conducted recitations that I heard in the Archipelago. A remarkable spirit of alertness pervaded both institutions and careful supervision for the material and moral welfare of the students was provided. Both institutions ought to receive all the support necessary to maintain and expand their work, for they are rendering a great service to the Filipino people.

The University of Santo Tomas is the oldest university under the American flag, having been established in 1600 by the Dominican Order. It has ever since been administered by Spanish Dominicans and until two years before the arrival of the Commission the language of instruction was Spanish. The chief reason for the great success of the Ataneo was that the Jesuit Order supplanted Spanish Jesuits with Americans who had excellent training in pedagogics. At Santo Tomas the teachers were nearly all Spaniards, the instruction in English was poor, the library and laboratory facilities were old and inadequate. But the university was then (1925) establishing itself upon a new site on the outskirts of Manila with a splendid group of buildings provided with modern equipment in the midst of an adequate campus. If the university were to become staffed with equally modern teachers, its future would be assured. It would then provide, with the Ataneo, the necessary competition with the University of the Philippines to advance the intellectual and professional welfare of the Islands.

The Commission spent its last month at Baguio, the summer capital, drawing up its Report. Summer in the Philippines, where the average annual temperature is 80° Fahrenheit, means the particularly hot season from March to June. It was delightful at Baguio, which is situated about 150 miles north of Manila in the midst of mountains more than 5,000 feet high. The scenery is beautiful and the climate stimulating. Under the Spaniards Baguio was inaccessible. It was in the country of the head-hunting Igorrotes who were fierce fighters. But the Americans forced their way through, built admirable roads, and gradually induced the natives to send their children to the newly established schools.

Baguio provided the Commission with the unusual experience of being in touch with primitive, medieval, and modern civilizations at one and the same time. One night the entire Commission---there were nine of us---were in conference as to the nature and content of our Report. We were decidedly of the twentieth century. While we were conferring we could hear the chanting in Latin of monks high above us in a neighboring monastery. They were chanting exactly as they would have done in the thirteenth century. And from down in the valley below we could hear the weird sounds of a cañao executed by the native Igorotes after the death of one of the tribe. That represented primitive civilization. A cañao was a kind of fiesta starting with the grand wake over the death of a member and winding up with dancing and other ceremonies. The Igorrotes have different forms for the great events of life. We later attended a war cañao which was very exciting, but I never had a more impressive experience than on this night when events of the three civilizations synchronized.

One of the most helpful persons we met in the Islands was Dr. Otley Beyer, a remarkable anthropologist who had been in the Philippines since the commencement of the American occupation and had lived and worked very intimately with the pagan tribes of the mountain country of Luzon. He had been engaged in research everywhere throughout the Islands and because of his sincere interest in the welfare of the different peoples, especially the less civilized tribes, he was always a welcome guest. He had collected a large amount of most valuable material, some of which could nowhere be duplicated. Because of limited resources he kept this material in wooden boxes that might at any moment be destroyed by fire. Upon our return home I recommended to the Rockefeller Foundation that he be supplied with metal boxes to render his collection safe and I believe this was done.

Some of our Commission were very anxious to come into contact with the Negritos---the aborigines of the Islands, the Malay Filipinos and Moros having come as immigrants from the Asiatic mainland in the distant past. Negrito is Spanish for "little Negro", so called because of their small size and. very dark skin. They are exceedingly shy and timid, live away from contact with other people, and wander from place to place. Their conditions of life are as low as those of the Australian bushmen. Their home is in the woods and their food what nature provides. Dr. Beyer arranged a meeting for us. The Negritos were obviously reluctant to come, but everything about them was most interesting to us. We posed for a photograph and the chief reached only to my shoulder. Like most primitive peoples, they were much taken by shining baubles. In all probability they are a doomed people, unable to withstand the pressure of modern civilization and will disappear in a comparatively short time.

Too much praise can hardly be given to the thousand teachers, chiefly women, who arrived from the United States in the third year of the Occupation. They often were stationed in isolated places in an utterly foreign environment to effect their orientation among people who did not understand them and whom they did not understand. They had to learn by hard experience to eat differently, to dress differently, and to accustom themselves to different ways of conduct. They performed their work with a singleness of purpose inspired by the desire to do a fine thing for the credit and prestige of their country. They were often lonely and homesick but they seldom failed to carry on.

The year before our arrival the Department of Public Instruction determined to have something in the nature of a summer session at Baguio, to call into conference teachers from the normal and secondary schools for the discussion of problems of administration and methods of teaching. Now the Igorrotes are an outstanding people but naturally have customs different from ours. The men's dress consists only of a "G string" and the women's upper body is naked. When the teachers arrived at Baguio they were waited upon at table by youths dressed solely in a G string. Immediately there was an indignant outcry from the outraged women teachers and a protest was sent to Governor Wood. The Governor admired immensely the physique of the Igorrotes, many of whom he incorporated into the Constabulary. However, something had to be done and it was decided that the waiters would have to wear a coat or trousers. No Igorrote will wear trousers if he can help it, so the teachers were waited upon by youths dressed in a coat and a G string! But that situation lasted only a short time.

While at Baguio, the hard work of the five months we had spent upon our program finally told upon some of us. We had risen early every day, traveled and worked in the heat without the siesta which is an ordinary part of the daily life of the Philippines and generally spent the evenings in discussing the events of the day. I finally succumbed to a prolonged attack of dysentery. It was fortunately not of the amoebic variety but simply the result of overwork under unfavorable conditions. General Wood was good enough to have me put into the fine military hospital at Baguio. I shall never forget the unending kindness of Mrs. Gilmore, the wife of the Vice Governor, who brought me delicacies of food fit for a patient suffering from my trouble. Writing my report was a hard struggle. I had a table placed next to the bed in my room and after writing for a while and often visiting the bathroom I would lie down to get up enough strength for another session with the Report. Professor Monroe had a similar but not such a hard attack and the trouble continued until we were finally treated and cured at the Rockefeller hospital in Peking.

One cannot visit the Philippines without being impressed by the extent of Chinese influence. The Chinese entered in large numbers under the Spaniards and filtered in despite the Exclusion Law under the Americans. They were to be found everywhere. Retail trade was chiefly in their hands in the large cities and no barrio was too small to have a store run by a "Chino". They were orderly and industrious residents. Many were rich and contributed generously to the Nationalist cause in China besides maintaining their own schools and temples. They were sometimes accused of exploiting the tao, but it would be impossible for them to compete in that respect with the local cacique, the boss of the village. The poor tao seldom has sufficient resources to carry him throughout the year without assistance and he must usually secure this from the cacique of the neighborhood and pay back at usurious rates of interest. The cacique is sometimes able to retain a family in economic slavery for a long period of time. Caciquism is one of the worst evils of the Filipino social system and it is almost impossible to eradicate it because the cacique often controls the votes of his locality and has himself or one of his creatures elected to the legislature.

The Filipino rebellion against Spanish rule led by Aguinaldo in 1896 was largely due to the place of the Friars in Filipino life. The rebellion resulted among other things in the death sentence for José Rizal, the George Washington of the Philippines, whose statue appears in the parks of practically all Filipino towns. He was a really noble man and in his two books, Noli Me Tangere and Il Filibusterismo may be found a description of the evil conditions which existed in the Philippines and justified the rebellion. By the time of the rebellion, the Friars had accumulated more than 400,000 acres of the best lands in the Islands and their treatment of the tao was as bad as that received by him from landlords generally. Moreover, the Friars were on the whole ignorant and lazy and some of them led evil lives. The rebels drove them out and confiscated their land, but when the sovereignty of the Philippines was transferred to the United States, the Church presented a claim to the American government for the confiscated lands. President McKinley appointed Mr. Taft to adjudicate the claim and he arrived at a compromise by which the Church received $7,300,000 in lieu of the confiscated lands.

In the meantime, a former Catholic priest, Father Aglipay, had founded the Philippine National Church, of which he became the head and bishop. The feeling against the Friars is evident from the fact that when our Commission was there, the Aglipay church, as it was called, numbered 1,500,000 persons. However, my belief is that like the Old Catholics founded by Dr. Döllinger in Germany after the pronouncement of the doctrine of the Infallibility of the Pope by the Vatican Council of 1871, it will gradually die out. Despite the hostility of the Filipinos, some of the more courageous Friars filtered back. 1 met one of them in a little town and we conversed at length about the new conditions under the American Occupation.. He was very pessimistic and insisted that the introduction of American ideals and customs would result in the breakdown of family life and of Filipino society generally. When I pointed out that the Filipino seemed already to be better off and happier under the American Occupation, he made one admission: "Had we Spaniards done one-tenth of what the Americans have done in education, we would never have lost the Philippines."

When our Commission was in the Islands, only a few Japanese had settled there and these few were gathered together in the single province of Davao on Mindanao. But even then they were causing the government great disquietude, for they practically controlled the province. They evaded the law prohibiting the ownership of land by foreigners through various devices, the chief one being to register by using a Filipino. They practically owned thousands of acres, devoted chiefly to the cultivation of rice and hemp, almost all of which was exported to Japan. They had their own stores, banks, schools, and newspapers. Two steamships a week sailed to Yokohama, and the relations with the mother country were becoming closer with the passage of the years. In 1925 the Filipino leaders believed that if the Islands were given independence there would be little difficulty in obtaining an agreement among the Pacific Powers guaranteeing the neutrality of the Islands. Were the Americans to give up the sovereignty of the Philippines, I am convinced that the Japanese would take over the Islands in the course of time and Davao would naturally be one of their springboards. Since our Commission's departure the Islands have become the Commonwealth of the Philippines and are on their way to the independence for which they clamored at the time of our visit but about which they now have serious doubts. If, according to present plans, independence becomes a reality in 1946 or within a reasonable period of readjustment after the war, and our tariff rates are applied to Filipino products, the Islands are doomed. Up to the end of 1941, 80 per cent of their chief products, sugar, coconut oil, hemp, and cigars, went to the United States and 66.75 per cent of their imports came from the United States. They have practically no other market. As the result of the higher standard of living developed under the American regime through the payment of higher wages than are the rule in the Netherlands Indies and neighboring countries, they cannot compete in the cost of their products. With independence the fine democratic experiment in colonial government may perish. Within a few years after the creation of the Commonwealth the legislature, inspired by fear, had already granted to President Quezon powers that looked like the first step toward a moderate form of totalitarianism.

Military men have usually doubted that the United States could prevent conquest of the Islands by Japan in case of war. Whatever possibility did exist was lost as the result of the destruction of our naval and air forces at Pearl Harbor. But the heroic defense of the Islands by American and Filipino troops, especially the campaign of General MacArthur on the Bataan Peninsula, forms one of the brightest pages in American military history. Of much greater importance is the justification it provided for our policy in the Philippines. We prepared the Filipinos for self-government and then gave it to them. That was not the policy adopted by the Dutch in the Netherlands Indies nor by the British in Malaya and Burma. In the time of our need the Filipinos gladly rallied to our support. The inhabitants of the Dutch and British colonies in that area did not.

The Japanese now have absolute control of the Philippines. The Islands provide them with many needed agricultural and mineral products which they will unquestionably exploit to the limit. It is doubtful that they will treat the Filipinos any better than they have treated the Koreans. But Americans and Filipinos look forward to the eventual victory of the United Nations. Then the relations of the two peoples will probably be more cordial and helpful than ever before. Americans will want to assist the Filipinos to meet more adequately the severe conditions that will confront a newly enfranchised people in a chaotic world.

I ARRIVED in Shanghai at a crucial time in the history of modern China. Fourteen years had elapsed since the Revolution of 1911 had overthrown the Manchu dynasty and established the Republic in the following year. Those years had been devoted by Chinese patriots to a determined campaign to secure equality for their country in the family of nations. China was the only remaining country of the Orient where foreigners still enjoyed the privileges inherent in the principle of extraterritoriality, which gave the Consular courts of foreign nations instead of the local courts jurisdiction over the lives and property of foreigners in China. She was also the only country where foreign settlements or concessions were removed from the jurisdiction of the national sovereignty. The practical and psychological evils of that situation are too well known to the student of international relations to require comment. It was a situation that could not persist in the twentieth century. But the foreigner, meaning the white man, was as yet oblivious to the change that was being wrought among the people of China by the campaign of the patriots. Nothing could better illustrate that ignorance than the two signs over the gates of the park in the foreign settlement at Shanghai, "Chinese not admitted" and "Dogs not admitted".

Who were the Chinese patriots who led the movement for independence from foreign domination? Students. Though thousands of Chinese students had studied in Japan after 1905, the leaders of the movement were students who had studied in the West, especially in the United States, or in American missionary schools and colleges in China. They had learned from their American teachers much about nationalism and democracy, the right to liberty and the pursuit of happiness. They had learned another great lesson, namely, that Western civilization was strong because it was based upon science---military science, administrative science, industrial science. These students returned home fired with a determination to spread nationalism and Western culture, especially in the field of science, in their own country and thereby free it from foreign domination. They rallied to their support the laborer and, to a less extent, the peasant. They initiated an Oriental Renaissance.

The Renaissance in Europe, introducing the New Learning, dates from the late fourteenth century; the Industrial Revolution, bringing in the factory system, from about the year 1760; the French Revolution, with its twin products, nationalism and democracy, from 1789. The latest of the three has been operating for five generations. In a single generation Western culture, the factory system, and nationalism were almost simultaneously made known to the people of China, a people wholly unprepared for any one of them. Disintegration resulted in almost every field. The abandoned temples scattered throughout the country were mute witnesses to the decay of religion. The ruined examination cells tell of the passing of the old learning upon which the moral life of the people was founded. The disappearance of the guilds, the rise of labor unions, strikes, riots and boycotts have indicated the radical changes that had taken place in the industrial life of the people. Civil war, brigandage, the freedom of the provinces from any central control and the existence of large independent standing armies under military leaders gave evidence of the political disintegration that took place after the Son of Heaven was driven from his throne in 1911. Moreover, during this generation the Chinese people did not have the opportunity to work out of their confusion in the ways they had adopted during the former crises in their long history. Then they were isolated and could use the measures with which they were familiar to restore order and stability. During the past generation they had always been subject to the interference and intrigues of foreign powers which did not consider it to their interest to have China emerge from her weakness as a unified and stable nation. -

In the effort to accommodate itself to new conditions attendant upon the introduction of Western culture and institutions, China has relied chiefly upon education as an instrument. There are three systems of education at present in existence. The first consists of the very few remaining old-fashioned Chinese schools which continue to give the literary education in the Chinese classics that formed the sole method of entrance into the civil service previous to 1905. They exist chiefly in the more backward regions, are rapidly declining in numbers and will probably have little or no influence upon the China of the future.

The second system consists of the mission schools and colleges. Too great a tribute can hardly be paid to the mission schools, particularly the American schools, for their work in providing ideals and leaders for the China of today. But they are facing a new condition and must undertake a new orientation. In the first place they must now compete with the national and provincial Chinese institutions which have been founded and some of which are admirably staffed and equipped. In the second place they are facing the new and intense spirit of nationalism which pervades all aspects of Chinese life and particularly education. This means that all competition and duplication of effort among the mission colleges must be removed. It means also that they must increase the number of Christian Chinese teachers on their faculties and emphasize Chinese culture in their curricula. I met most of the leaders of education both of the mission and Chinese colleges, and all were agreed on this aspect of the matter. Indeed, some of the churchmen affirmed that if the Christian church in China is to grow it will be necessary for it to become increasingly Chinese in character.

The national and provincial Chinese institutions, which make up the third system, were having difficulty because of the uncertainty of support. At the time of my visit in 1925 the central government had neither power nor support outside of Peking. Each of the provinces was under the control of a Tuchun, a war lord. Some of these men were able administrators and were interested in education; most were concerned only with their own selfish advancement. The degree of support an institution received depended upon the favorable or unfavorable character of its location. In some institutions the salaries of the teachers were long in arrears and the equipment had been permitted to decay. Others were fairly well provided in both these respects. The National Association for the Advancement of Education in China, guided largely by the leaders of Chinese education, had a fine influence upon the development of education including guidance of student opinion and activities. The statement that the student movement is anti-foreign, anti-Christian, pro-Bolshevik and financed from Moscow is very mistaken. The student movement, like the nationalist movement generally, is primarily pro-Chinese. The Bolsheviks have unquestionably taken advantage of the ferment to further their own ends, but they are not responsible for the movement. The students, who are the head and front of the nationalist movement, in their insistence that China control her own destinies, have sometimes made unwarranted demands and have been exasperating in some of the methods they employed to realize their ends, but they are the hope of China. They have been the one sincere and earnest group in a land where selfishness and corruption are rife. They have needed wise guidance badly because in the comparatively recent past the war lords were trying to use the movement for their own ends. Fortunately today most of the younger educators are fully alive to the situation and are quite successful in their efforts at wise guidance.

Probably the most formidable obstacle to a Chinese Renaissance has been illiteracy. The Chinese are an intelligent people, but intelligent as the result of hard experience, not schooling. When I arrived in China the patriots had already begun the Mass Education Movement under the leadership of James Yen, a graduate of Yale University. Written Chinese has a sign or character for every word or sound. From the many thousands of characters, Chinese scholars selected the thousand characters (actually twelve hundred) most frequently used in the vocabulary of ordinary people as a basis upon which to work in order to reach the masses of the people. The Mass Education Movement has avoided politics and the "thousand-character" booklets are simple reading primers. But that fact has not prevented many pamphlets written in these characters from being extremely nationalistic, explaining the evil nature of the unequal treaties, tariff subjection, and extraterritoriality. Students swarmed over the entire country gathering the peasants together in abandoned temples and elsewhere to be taught the thousand accepted characters and the new nationalism.

The Mass Education Movement became one of the strong pillars of the Kuomintang or Nationalist Party. Dr. Sun Yat-sen, the Father of the Revolution, was not only a nationalist but a believer in democracy, and he hoped for great things to accompany its introduction into China. The Manchu regime was corrupt and honeycombed with grafters, but the successive regimes that followed its downfall were little better. In Chinese political life in 1925 there were pathetically few outstanding men. The majority were concerned chiefly with a scramble for place and profit. In the West the great force for maintaining restraint upon official dereliction is that of public opinion. To develop public opinion requires not only time but a literate people interested in public affairs. The Chinese were far from being such a people. The introduction of democratic political government in 1912 resulted in confusion and increased corruption. Were the Chinese true to their ancient traditions, the Manchu dynasty would have been succeeded by another. But unless all signs fail, the hope of an imperial regime died with the failure of Yuan Shih-kai to found a new dynasty in 1915.

The Kuomintang is a self-constituted oligarchy similar to the ones that control Russia, Italy, and Germany. In China local government is very democratically organized. Whether the centralized government will become so after the war remains to be seen. No one-party government has yet succeeded in becoming a democracy. However, few revolutions in history brought to the top as leaders finer men than the group of patriots who were trying to guide the destinies of China when I was there in 1925. It was a source of pride on the part of Americans that six of the ten cabinet portfolios were held by men who had received their higher education in American institutions. The manner in which the Kuomintang government established at Nanking confronted its difficulties gave evidence of undoubted vision and courage among its leaders.

This was the chaotic China to which I was introduced upon my arrival in Shanghai in the late spring of 1925. As so many Americans do, I registered at the Hotel Astor until I should decide upon a more permanent abode, and I saw there the reproduction of a bit of New York life amid Chinese surroundings---and I did not like it. The immense quantity of whiskey and soda consumed, the numbers of semi-naked women dancers, often White Russian émigrés, frequenting the dance halls, the often-riotous nature of the night life did not make Shanghai an exemplar of Western civilization at its best.

As is my wont when I go to any foreign country, especially if it be a so-called "backward" country, I arranged to get in touch with student bodies as soon as possible. I do this because in such countries I have usually found the students the most forward-looking, sincere and independent group, as well as the most nationalistic and patriotic. I visited St. John's University which is under Episcopalian direction, and Shanghai College which is Baptist. I found them both pretty conservative institutions, not so strongly sympathetic toward the nationalistic aspirations of their students as I had expected they would be, but not opposed. The fact that the institutions were under foreign direction did not affect the attitude of the students who were, like the students in Chinese institutions, strongly nationalist, anti-imperialist, and in some instances anti-foreign. At that time it was the British who were looked upon as the chief devils. This was partly due to their immense interests in China generally and in particular to the fact that they controlled the foreign settlement in Shanghai.

Unfortunately, upon my return from Manila to Shanghai after a couple of weeks, I had a recurrence of dysentery. I consulted one of the best physicians of the city, Dr. MacCracken, a relative of President MacCracken of Vassar College, of which I was then a trustee. Upon his advice I went to a private sanitarium in the hope of a quick recovery. But before I did so, Dr. MacCracken several times accompanied me through the bazaars and the great emporiums and drove me about the native city. No visitor can fail to be impressed by the place that Shanghai holds as the chief distributing center to the West for the beautiful products of Chinese handicrafts, and to the Yangtze valley and Central China generally for the manufactures of the West. Shanghai was little more than a mud flat when it was made an open port by the Chinese government after the Opium War of 1840. Like Hong Kong, its splendid condition prior to the Japanese invasion bore witness to the vision, courage, and capacity of the British.

My recollection of Shanghai will always be associated in my mind with the delightful formal dinner given by a group of Chinese scholars to the Philippine Educational Commission on its way to Manila. A formal Chinese dinner is an event in the life of any Occidental. Ours was a comparatively modest dinner consisting of twenty-three courses and lasting three hours. Some have twice as many courses and last longer. However, this bald statement sounds more formidable than the facts warrant. A course consists of a single item of food placed in a large bowl in the center of the table, sharks' fins, bird's nest soup, rice in various mixtures, ancient eggs, and other dainties following one another rapidly. Each diner had a small bowl in front of him and helped himself with chopsticks from the large bowl. I was filled with admiration at the skillful manner in which the Chinese used the chopsticks, but I was personally hungry at the end of the long dinner owing to my inability to get much from each course. During the long meal a servant went around the table with a hot towel upon which the guests wiped their, fingers, in lieu, I suppose, of a finger bowl. Another servant refilled the beautiful little cups with rice wine. The dinner wound up with tea instead of our demi-tasse of coffee. During the dinner there was animated conversation, for the Chinese are a convivial people and practically all those present spoke English and most had studied in an American college or university.

I had not been long installed in the sanitarium at Shanghai when an event occurred which was the catalytic which unified China more than it had been up until that time, namely, the Shanghai riot of May 30, 1925. Students and laborers were engaged in a demonstration which grew out of the killing of a Chinese laborer in a Japanese factory. They were fired upon by the foreign police of the city, and some were killed and others wounded. This proved to be the Lexington of the war of independence against foreign interference which was finally won in 1928 by the unification of the country under the Kuomintang government. But the incident had an unfortunate effect upon my own movements, for the situation became so serious that the American consul-general warned his fellow countrymen that they had better leave the city at once.

Because I was more or less isolated, the notice reached me later than most Americans received it and when I applied for a first class passage on the vessel about to leave for Tientsin, I was told that there was no first class stateroom left. However, I was informed that if I bought a first class ticket I would have the run of the lounge and a seat in the dining room but only a second class stateroom. Second class staterooms are never used by foreigners, but if I was to leave Shanghai there was no alternative but to take one. I did not go down to my stateroom until I wanted to go to bed. When I turned on the light what was my horror to find the walls of the stateroom literally covered with cockroaches, some of them of great size. If I am right in my belief, cockroaches never bother human beings directly and no doubt I might have gone to bed and to sleep. But I simply could not. Instead, I spent that night and the next on a sofa in the lounge. The third day a few English people left the boat at Weihaiwai---a British leasehold until 1930---and I was transferred to a first class stateroom, which seemed all the finer because of my unpleasant experience in my former room.

The river by which one journeys from the sea to Tientsin is narrow and very winding, and it was interesting to watch the waves sent to the shores in the wash of the steamer and the alarm of the people as to the possible injury to their small boats which were badly knocked about. When we arrived at Tientsin there was the fine figure of Dr. Chang Poling waiting for me on the dock. Dr. Chang is tall and well built, like the northern Chinese generally, in contrast to the southerners. He is dignified and of aristocratic demeanor, but of very democratic feeling and principles. Dr. Chang and I had been graduate students together at Columbia University and I had conceived a great admiration and respect for him. His rise upon his return home had been rapid and he was at the time of my arrival the President of Nankai University, a private institution, which he had developed to a remarkable degree with funds secured from Chinese and American sources. Nankai was one of the most progressive institutions in all China and Dr. Chang was proud of it and particularly of its scientific laboratories donated by the Rockefeller Foundation. The student body was very patriotic, but fortunately their studies were not constantly interrupted by the parades and other celebrations which were a feature of most native institutions. I spent several days with Dr. Chang before going on to Peking, and his conversation about the future of his country, of which he was one of the most highly honored citizens, was very illuminating. Today Nankai is in ruins, bombed from the air by the Japanese deliberately, I have been assured, because of Dr. Chang's influence with his fellow countrymen. Dr. Chang is now in Chungking, where he is Vice Chairman of the People's Political Council. His university and its preparatory department are in full operation, with one section located in Kunming and the other in Chungking.

Upon my arrival at Peking I put up at the Grand Hotel, then the best hotel in the city. Dr. MacCracken had advised me to enter as a patient in the celebrated P.U.M.C. (Peking Union Medical College), built by the Rockefeller Foundation. But I was so eager to see the city which had so long been one of the greatest aims of my travels that I delayed entering P.U.M.C. for several days, and I hired ricksha men who received directions from a Chinese friend. I found the city in a turmoil, for the news of the May 30th "massacre" had been flashed everywhere throughout China. The students were in a state of constant parade and on my first ricksha drive I soon found myself surrounded by a mob of students under the walls of the Forbidden City, shouting "An Englishman." Most Englishmen just then were remaining discreetly at home. I soon convinced the students that I was an American and at once became the hero of the moment. They demanded that I deliver a speech and I told them how heartily I approved of their desire for the unity of their country and its independence from foreign control, but I urged them to advocate achieving those aims by peaceful measures. As I knew that probably not one in ten had understood my speech, I invited a committee to visit me at my hotel that evening to discuss the situation. That suggestion was immensely popular with the crowd.

When the committee arrived that night I said to them, "Do you want me to talk frankly about China's difficulties or do you want me simply to agree with your ideas and activities?" Of course they insisted upon the former alternative. Now no one at the time sympathized more heartily than I with the objectives of the Chinese Nationalists and their determination to realize them. But no one was more convinced than I that the emotional fervor of the students would lead to few constructive results unless their movement should be directed to definite and specific ends. Liberals everywhere, in China and abroad, were applauding the students and I determined to speak frankly in conformity with the view I held. I told them that I regarded many of the men in official positions in their country as grafters and corruptionists, and that one of their first objectives should be to drive them out. I said also that foreigners were undoubtedly engaged in exploiting the Chinese people but that I did not consider their exploitation any worse than that of their own war lords. I stated that instead of directing their attention exclusively to foreign interference in China's affairs, which was an entirely justified attitude, they would make more rapid headway if they curbed their own militarists also and then presented a united front to the foreign exploiters. While agreeing fully with them on the need of removing China from foreign control I described some unpleasant social conditions in their country, such as the part played by the usurer and the grasping landlord, which had forced themselves upon my attention and which I did not believe were the result of foreign control.

They were a fine group of young men and readily admitted the truth of my observations, but they had come obsessed with an idée fixe, namely, that foreign intervention in Chinese affairs was the root cause of China's woes. They insisted that China would never take her proper place in the family of nations until extraterritoriality was abolished, the foreign concessions returned, and tariff autonomy granted. I fully agreed with them but assured them that fair-minded people everywhere would be more sympathetic and more inclined to aid their efforts if the Chinese patriots tried also to put their own house in order. I did not convince them but they knew they had in me a sincere well wisher and we parted the best of friends.

It was almost immediately after the meeting with the students at my hotel in Peking that I was invited to another conference, composed of British and American residents to consider the serious situation which had arisen. It was then that I learned the difference between the attitude of the "Old China Hand" and that of the missionary in regard to Chinese problems. The Old China Hands were the men who had been in China many years as representatives of foreign banks, industries, and commercial houses or who were in business for themselves. They were in China primarily, in many instances solely, to make money and they had scant regard for Chinese susceptibilities. I met one of them on my way to the conference and said, "I suppose you're going to the meeting." "No," he answered, "I've seen lots of such disturbances. They all blow over. This one will too." At the conference the Old China Hands had but one solution of the problem, namely, to call upon the representatives of the Powers for action. That, they insisted, had always been efficacious in the past and there was no reason to depart from it in this case.

The missionary's position was very different. The missionary was in close touch with the ordinary Chinese and was confident that the present trouble could not be solved by the old methods. Moreover, he sympathized with the Chinese attitude and was aware that his teachings were largely responsible for the position taken by the students and young patriots generally. I had gone to China somewhat prejudiced against the missionary, for I believed that a civilization which had existed several thousand years before the advent of Christ was not in great need of the teachings of the Christian missionary. I left China a great admirer of the missionary. Some of them were teaching an outmoded form of the Christian religion but, I believe, most of them were actually living its finest principles. In secular things, education, hygiene, child welfare, social service, they were exhibiting Western civilization at its best. I was convinced that of all the foreigners in China they were the best friends of the Chinese people.

P.U.M.C. was a gift of the Rockefeller Foundation and possesses some beautiful buildings in the Chinese style of architecture, to which laboratories, clinics, hospitalization, lecture rooms, and all the paraphernalia of a thoroughly modern medical college and hospital have been made to conform. It provided to its one hundred students of both sexes a medical education equal to the best in the United States. Its mission was the training of teachers for the various medical schools of China, not the training of practitioners, and it has succeeded in its mission. During my stay I found the treatment excellent and the atmosphere most friendly. Physicians and nurses, both Chinese and foreign, inspired confidence and good will. I was found to be on the mend anyhow and at the end of a week I was dismissed as cured, with the injunction to be careful as I had not fully recovered my strength. I was going out of the front door when there took place an incident which happened to me so often during my travels throughout the years as to strengthen my faith in the fundamental goodness of mankind. Dr. John B. Grant, one of the physicians who had been attending me, was about to enter. "Been dismissed?" he asked. "Yes," I answered. "Where are you going now?" he queried. "Back to the hotel," I replied. "No, you're not," he said. "You're coming home with me." And he brought me to his delightful home in a large compound where I was greeted just as cordially by his attractive wife. I remained with them until I left China.

I cannot adequately express my gratitude to Dr. and Mrs. Grant for their inexhaustible hospitality. Theirs was a beautiful home, kept beautiful by the large staff of servants. China is a paradise for an American housewife. Owing to the oversupply of labor she can have a staff of servants for the amount that one would cost in New York or other large American cities. Each servant has his specific function and in general Chinese servants are very efficient. The housewife is relieved of all cares, Mrs. Grant probably a little less than most and for a good reason. I once ventured to make a remark to her on the deliciousness of a pie we had been eating for dessert, and she told me how, when she was first married, she had been warned by other resident foreigners that she must turn over the running of her establishment to her servants, since they would not welcome supervision on her part such as is undertaken at home by the mistress of the house. She followed the advice until one day the dessert was so unusually delicious that she determined to go to the hitherto unvisited kitchen to compliment the cook. She did not find that all things were conducted according to her standards of cleanliness. Though she did not say so, I feel confident that thereafter she made sufficiently frequent visits to her kitchen and no doubt to other parts of the house to be assured that it was being managed along the lines she considered proper.

I was largely guided by Mrs. Grant in my purchases of gifts to take home. She had exquisite taste and sometimes brought in merchants to show the beautiful shawls, hangings and rugs which they had for sale. Moreover, she accompanied me to the bazaars and drew my attention to many beautiful products of handicraft in silver, copper, wood, leather and jade. Each merchant had his booth at the bazaar for the display of his goods. Nearly all of them spoke some English, though sometimes only of the Pidgin variety. On my first day at the bazaar I received an amusing lesson in Far Eastern bargaining. I admired especially a beautiful bronze dish that might be used for a variety of purposes. Mrs. Grant said, "It is really worth $15. The man will probably ask you as much as $40 but don't give a cent more than $15." I inquired of the merchant the value of the bronze and sure enough he said, "Forty dollars." I offered him $15 and he dismissed me with a look of scorn. Before I reached the end of the aisle, however, I felt a tug at my coat and he said that though to do so would mean a complete loss, he would let me have the bronze for $30. I repeated my offer of $15, which he again rejected and I went my way among the booths looking at other merchants' goods. I could feel that he was watching me and in about five minutes he appeared in front of me and assured me in the name of all his ancestors that by letting the bronze go for $20 he would be risking bankruptcy. I wanted the bronze badly and was tempted to yield, but I knew that the eye of Mrs. Grant was upon me and, I remained adamant. When a little later he saw we were about to leave, he came forward and in brokenhearted accents let me have the bronze for $15. Except for the presence of Mrs. Grant I would certainly have paid twice as much.

Among the most pleasant experiences I had in Peking were my visits to several of the educational institutions. When as the result of the success of the Kuomintang in unifying the country, the capital was removed in 1928 from Peking to Nanking, which had been the capital in former days, the removal had no effect upon the position of Peking as the cultural center of China. The number of educational institutions, museums, and temples, not to mention the Forbidden City, would keep an intelligent visitor engaged for months in their study. My limited time precluded my going to the many I should have liked to observe, but I was fortunately able to visit some of the most important. I went first to Tsing Hua College, the Boxer Indemnity college, founded with more than $10,000,000 in gold which was returned by the United States to China as part of the share of the United States in the indemnity imposed upon China by the Western powers because of the Boxer rebellion. The buildings of this institution were in every respect equal to any to be found on an American campus, the teachers were of a high scholarly type and the students were carefully selected from all parts of China upon a basis of merit. Tsing Hua was setting a fine standard for all government institutions. This was possible because the Board of Trustees was composed of Chinese and Americans devotedly supervising the expenditure of the funds without regard to anything but the maintenance of a college of the highest rank. I felt proud that it was my country which was responsible for the existence of this splendid institution. Today the campus and buildings of Tsing Hua are used by the Japanese army as barracks.

My next visit was to Yenching, the American university of which that fine scholar and administrator, Dr. Leighton Stuart, was the moving force. It is a very beautiful architectural group, uniting Chinese styles with modern building methods and equipment. In order that Yenching should be a cooperative enterprise it had a Chinese scholar as Chancellor and a majority of the faculty was Chinese. Dr. Stuart was President. The University was highly regarded by Chinese and foreigners alike and not only provided a fine undergraduate education but carried on research of great value in various fields of Chinese culture. When the Japanese took over Peking they showed by constant pinpricks their annoyance at Yenching's effort to carry on, regardless of the Japanese occupation. However, though they considered it really a center of Chinese patriotism, they did not venture to close the institution until after December 7, 1941. The North China Union Language School had just been incorporated into Yenching at the time of my visit. It was organized to instruct teachers, missionaries, and diplomats in the use of that difficult language, Chinese. The School, under the efficient administration of Mr. William B. Pettus, was rendering a service of unusual value to both the Occident and the Orient.

My repeated visits to the Forbidden City left me always with a feeling of sadness. It was impossible of course that the Forbidden City should have been continued into the twentieth century as a symbol of an outmoded and decadent way of life. The feeling of sadness is not relieved by a visit to the Summer Palace, some ten miles from Peking. It was beautifully built at enormous expense by the old Empress Dowager, Tzu Hsi, at the very time when the Empire was on the verge of collapse. One finds it difficult to conceive of the utter futility of the life of the imperial court, confronted at that time by impending danger and with practically no one among the Manchu aristocracy of sufficient calibre to make even an attempt to avert disaster. This situation was repeated, however, only six years later in the collapse of the Russian Czardom and for similar reasons. Corruption is no respecter of races.

While I was at Peking the Dalai Lama arrived there, having fled from Tibet before a column of British soldiers advancing from India. It was arranged that he should receive a group of Americans. As he knew only Tibetan and none of his people knew English, what he said had first to be translated into Chinese and then into English. This strange personage is deeply revered by the Mongols particularly. They swarmed about the place where he was staying and knocked their heads upon the ground before him whenever he appeared. At our reception each of the Americans held out his hands, upon which the Dalai Lama placed a fine piece of blue silk cloth at the same time offering a prayer. I noticed that the lace on his cuffs was considerably soiled and that his costume generally was not in keeping with his fine physique or his religious position. However, if what he said was what the interpreters translated he must have been an intelligent man. He spoke of the evil of war and the good fortune of the United States in being located between two great oceans. And he concluded by asking us to convey his respects to our President.

Though I had by no means fully recovered my strength I determined to visit the Great Wall, one of the most remarkable structures ever made by man. It is a three-hour railroad journey from Peking. It was begun in 221 B.C. and is about 1,400 miles in length. In some places it is as much as 22 feet high and 20 feet wide. It was built regardless of mountain heights or swamps to keep out the barbarians of all races. As I painfully climbed to the top and stood upon the Wall and gazed out upon the immense plain to the north, inhabited only by wandering Mongols, I found it difficult to conceive how the Wall, when well defended, could ever have been scaled or its gates rushed by tribesmen armed only with swords and spears. But it proved to be only a slight obstacle to Japanese cannon during the present war.

My stay in Japan was intensely interesting but too brief to justify a separate chapter about it. It was long enough, however, to enable me to hear a great deal concerning the vital needs of that country. Nevertheless, after making allowance for the very difficult problems that confronted the Japanese people---the need for Lebensraum, and the possibility of a Malthusian catastrophe---the invasion of China seems to me not only completely unjustified but an atrociously immoral proceeding. Certainly, when one considers the congestion of population in eastern and central China, the need for having living space in order to avoid a Malthusian catastrophe in China is very obvious.

If the Chinese have been endeavoring for twenty years to rid themselves of the domination of Western powers, it was not to allow themselves to be ruled and exploited by the Japanese. The event has proved the great unwisdom of the Japanese action. As the result of almost seven years of bloody warfare in which probably a million Japanese and several million Chinese have lost their lives, Japan is no nearer the conquest of China than when she began this "incident". The resurgence of the Chinese people during the past five years forms a glorious page in the history of human freedom. It is estimated that 50,000,000 people laden with such belongings as they could gather together trekked on foot to the open spaces of their Far West. It was the story over again of the pioneer expansion to our own West only this time crowded into a few years instead of taking several generations. Patriots dismantled factories to carry machinery with them and set up munition plants distant from Japanese armies. Scholars and students took books and laboratory materials to improvise universities in order to maintain academic life. The "Incident" unified the Chinese people as never before in modern history. Nationalists and Communists, despite their mutual suspicions and resentments, combined to withstand the invader. The Chinese people opened their eyes to their own capabilities and to the great resources of their country and were started upon a path of development which will probably mean a finer life for the common man and a nobler career for the Chinese nation.

The Japanese have one characteristic in common with their allies, the Germans, namely, an inability to understand the psychology of other peoples. They failed miserably in their attempt to force friendship upon the Chinese during the "Incident" and to enlist them in the "East Asia Co-Prosperity League". They were no more successful in rallying Indians and Chinese to their crusade with the slogan, "Asia for the Asiatics". Indians and Chinese know well that the slogan properly interpreted means Asia for the Japanese. And no longer do the Chinese expect to have their country dominated, through direct or indirect devices, by foreign governments. They have set their course toward full emancipation.

World War II accomplished for the Chinese patriots in their relations with Great Britain and the United States what World War I did for them in their relations with Russia, voluntary yielding of extraterritoriality. The Germans were compelled to yield it at that time and the Japanese will be compelled to give it up when the United Nations win this war. Then one discrimination deeply resented by the Chinese people will finally be removed.

There remains one action entirely within the competence of the United States, and only the United States, which the Chinese greatly desire, namely, repeal of the Exclusion Act. That would bring China under the general provisions of the Immigration Laws of 1924 and 1929. Under those laws only 110 Chinese would be admitted to this country each year. Surely a population of 135,000,000 could absorb 110 persons annually without dangerous consequences! Although it is Japan that has always been most vocal in its protest against the Exclusion Act there is no doubt of the deep resentment that China feels toward it. For the United States thus to recognize racial equality would gratify a proud and sincere ally, would move toward implementing the Atlantic Charter, and would nullify the Japanese propaganda as to the hypocrisy of that document.

An epic no poet has yet adequately sung is contained in the story of the ascent of the white man, from his little habitat in Western Europe to the overlordship of practically the whole earth. Beginning with about the year 1500 he conquered all of North and South America, Africa, Australia, and a large part of Asia, and dominated the regions which he did not annex. Moreover, during this period of his rise the white man developed a civilization which he considered superior to that of the men of any other color despite the fact that some ancient civilizations antedated his own by thousands of years. While the average white man welcomed people of color from other lands into his country, admitted them to his institutions of learning and even to his home, he resented any suggestion that they were his equals. Moreover, he made evident his faith in the superiority of his own civilization by sending missionaries into benighted lands to convert the inhabitants to a belief in his religion and way of life.

During the four hundred years which elapsed between the start of this period of expansion and World War I the white man almost exterminated the red man, reduced the black man to slavery, and lorded it over the brown and yellow man. He maintained his supremacy by force. He was enabled to do this because of his knowledge of science and its applications, science being his chief contribution to civilization. In developing the resources of old and settled lands his primary object was self-enrichment. Whatever gains accrued to the natives were a by-product.

The speedy development of commerce and industry, and the rapidity of transportation resulting from new scientific: discoveries and inventions in the nineteenth century caused a large increase in the number of white men settling in the lands of colored peoples. Many of these men, relieved of the restraints of their home environment, led lives not at all in conformity with the precepts of the white man's religion as expounded by his missionaries. The same ease of movement enabled many of the ablest and most intelligent men of color to visit and study in the lands of the white man. What they saw in the way of poverty, ignorance, and oppression raised serious doubts as to the value of the white man's civilization.

The Boxer Rebellion was really the first notice to the white man that the political principle upon which his own life was founded, namely, nationalism, had begun to take root among backward and colored peoples. Up to that time the political doctrine of nationalism, i.e., loyalty to a group with common traditions, ideals and aspirations usually expressed in a common language, was almost unknown among them. The Japanese were the chief exception. The average Chinese was seldom interested in what took place even in the neighboring province and had only at intervals conceived of China as an entity. The average white man resident in China had regarded him with disdain because of what he considered his lack of patriotism. He was soon to regard him with outraged feelings because of his excess patriotism. The victory of the Japanese over the Russians in 1905, the first instance in modern times of the defeat of a nation of white men by a nation of colored men, had profound repercussions throughout all lands inhabited by so-called "backward" peoples. Nationalism spread among them like wildfire. At first it was everywhere a different nationalism from that of the West. Nationalism in the West was aggressive; in the East it was defensive. In the West it aimed at territorial expansion or economic exploitation or cultural superiority. In the East it aimed to enable a country to determine its own destiny, to retain control of its economic resources for its own benefit and to save itself from being placed in a position of international inferiority.

When World War I broke out in 1914 the supremacy of the white man was unquestioned. He expected colored peoples to admit it, and with few exceptions they did admit it. White men had engaged in fierce competition among themselves for supremacy in areas which would provide them with raw materials and markets; but joined together as they were by the cohesive power of race superiority, they presented a united front as against the colored man. The first World War spelled the doom of that superiority. Seldom is attention directed to the remarkable phenomenon of the great change in interracial orientation, a change which in less than two decades brought a downfall in the white prestige which it had taken more than two generations to build up.

In World War I white men of different nations not only engaged in slaughtering one another; they called in the despised black and yellow men to assist in the process. If it were worth while to call in "backward" peoples like Indians and Arabs to cooperate in activities of war, why not in activities of peace? Positive promises in this direction were made. "Self-determination" was promised. Hopes ran high. But the peace conference impressed the "backward" peoples with the belief that the promises were made as a war measure to win a victory. The failure of fulfilment was regarded as a moral betrayal, an additional indictment of the white man's civilization. Moreover, the superiority of the white man had hitherto rested largely upon an economic foundation. He was better off than the colored man in all the necessities and luxuries of life. But the war reduced many white men to the economic level of colored men. In China a beggar is an outcast. One may throw him a copper to get rid of his importunities, but he receives no consideration as a person. Imagine the effect upon white prestige when hundreds of White Russians, driven from their country by the Bolshevik Revolution, were found in the streets of Chinese cities with outstretched hands begging of the yellow man for bare subsistence.

Unfortunately the white man had not appreciated what was taking place in the minds of "backward" nations and colored peoples during the World War and he attempted to restore the status quo ante. His awakening was startling. Amritsar, where in 1920 British Indian troops fired upon a mass meeting and killed inoffensive protestants, was as a fire alarm in the night throughout the whole of India. Amritsar, before the World War, would have been an incident resulting in little more than sullen anger upon the part of Indians. Not so in 1920. From Amritsar dates the weakening of British control in India. The riot of May 30, 1925 in Shanghai, in which protesting students and laborers were shot down by the foreign police, as I have already mentioned, became the Lexington in the Chinese struggle for independence from foreign domination. All over Asia the different peoples were heartened by Turkey's revival in their determination to get rid of the white man's control. The Turks had been able to throw the Treaty of Sèvres, which dismembered their country, into the waste basket, to dictate the Treaty of Lausanne which put an end to foreign interference in their domestic affairs, to rebuild their country upon a thoroughly national basis, to eradicate many old abuses, and to introduce reforms which put them upon the path toward becoming a modern progressive state. The Turks achieved their freedom by fighting and their international equality by peaceful negotiations at Montreux. But the Indians and Chinese had learned to use peaceful methods of coercion as efficacious as warlike methods, namely, the boycott and passive resistance. Neither the individual Chinese nor the individual Indian is a good customer for foreign goods but the potential purchasing power of the combined population of the two countries, equaling almost half that of the entire earth, is enormous. The white man's domination throughout the world was based upon force. Force is largely powerless against the boycott and passive resistance.

Until today the colored man, in Asia at least, considered himself the inferior of the white man in force alone. Now he considers himself equal in that and in most other respects, and superior in some. For this change in attitude the white man has only himself to blame. He has never known when to yield. The renascence of "backward" peoples was always accomplished in the face of contemptuous disbelief on his part. He shows greater respect today for peoples of another color but they regard the change as forced, not voluntary. The white man in the world of today is really on the defensive. In his own lands he is trying to maintain his racial integrity by means of exclusion laws. In his international relations he is not yet ready to admit racial equality even in principle. The request of the Japanese delegation at the Peace Conference to have some expression of that principle embodied in the Covenant of the League of Nations met with a prompt and absolute refusal. But the attitude of the white man today toward colored peoples is very different from the soulless exploitation of the pre-war period. His actions are no longer those of an overlord. The growing respect of the white man for the accomplishments of colored peoples may eventuate earlier than now seems possible in a real acceptance of the principle that evaluation of men should depend upon no other test than that of worth.

Nothing that has been said above is intended to depreciate the marvelous contributions of the white man to civilization and to the welfare of colored peoples. The social organization of tomorrow will everywhere be based upon the science and material equipment of the Western world. "Backward" peoples have learned to appreciate the place in life of personal hygiene, public health and sanitation, and medicine. Roads and railroads, the telegraph, telephone, radio and electric light are rapidly becoming essential elements in their daily lives. Moreover, the white man's influence has been very effective in securing a different status for one half of the human race, women, wherever he has come into contact with other peoples. Foot-binding has been practically abolished in China, the veil has been torn from the faces of women in Turkey, and the institution of purdah in India whereby women are kept in seclusion to the detriment of their physical and mental health is crumbling. There is no justification for a pessimistic belief in the downfall of Western civilization. Reasons might readily be adduced to justify a belief in its more general adoption. But one contribution of the West most highly prized today by peoples of other regions is found not in the domain of matter but of spirit, viz., the sanctity of personality, and the white man has yet to demonstrate his belief that personality knows not race nor color nor religion.